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  1. Bride's Homemade Wedding Cake Using Boxed Mix Sparks Debate Comments ranged from "I can hear your guests judging" to "This is the cutest cake ever I'm obsessed."
    newsweek.com
  2. Ukrainian Man Calmly Shaves Next to Unexploded Russian Rocket in Kitchen Kolomiets chuckled while shaving his beard and pointed to the missile that crashed through his house, landing right next to him.
    newsweek.com
  3. North West and her friends took Kim Kardashian’s private jet to birthday party Jessica Simpson's daughter Maxwell, Kourtney Kardashian's daughter, Penelope, and more party guests enjoyed a ride on Kim Air to "Camp North."
    nypost.com
  4. ‘Hocus Pocus 2’ Brings Some Iconic Witchiness to Gen Z DisneySarah Jessica Parker wasn’t through with reboots after starring in And Just Like That last year. Now, the actress has rounded up two more of her iconic co-stars to release a wicked follow-up to the beloved Disney Halloween flick Hocus Pocus. That’s right—Winifred, Sarah, and Mary Sanderson make a reappearance in the first trailer for Hocus Pocus 2.Along with Parker, who appropriately plays Sarah, Bette Midler and Kathy Najimy will return as Winifred and Mary, respectively. They’re summoned by a couple of young witches in a dark forest in the trailer, but only rear their heads near the end of the clip. If you want to see them spring back to life, you’re going to have to stick it out until the bitter end!Shrouded by smoke and clouds of pulsating thunder, you’ll also have to squint to see the Sanderson sisters in their full bewitching glory. “Lock up your children,” Winnie cackles. “Yes, Salem, we’re back!”Read more at The Daily Beast.
    thedailybeast.com
  5. Footage of Russian Tank Driving Through Minefield Puzzles Ukrainian Forces Two Russian tanks make their way across a plowed field while one tank seemingly hits into a mine, causing an explosion.
    newsweek.com
  6. Braxton Berrios loves double dates with Christian McCaffrey, Olivia Culpo Speaking recently on "The Adam Schefter Podcast," Jets receiver Berrios opened up about the bromance he formed with McCaffrey, as the NFL pros are dating model sisters.
    nypost.com
  7. К Хидэо Кодзиме обратились с просьбой сделать игру по сериалу "Пацаны" Известный геймдизайнер Хидэо Кодзима в социальных сетях признался, что раньше разрабатывал концепцию игры, которая сильно напоминает сериал "Пацаны", и после выхода шоу отказался от дальнейших на нее планов
    http://rg.ru
  8. В МО РФ рассказали еще о трех подвигах, совершенных в ходе военной спецоперации Взвод под командованием старшего лейтенанта Романа Генисецкого прикрывал артиллерийским огнем наступление российских войск
    http://rg.ru
  9. 'Harassing Packages' Sent to Ex-Home of SCOTUS Justice Samuel Alito: Police "Justice Alito moved out of West Caldwell just after being confirmed to the US Supreme Court, 15 years ago in 2007," police in New Jersey said.
    newsweek.com
  10. Ryan Phillippe on ‘I Love That for You’: A Perfect Cameo Cast this man in more comedies, please!
    nypost.com
  11. New Vehicle Quality Plummets in the Wake of the Pandemic J.D. Power's 2022 Initial Quality Study shows that car quality is slipping.
    newsweek.com
  12. ‘Teen Mom’ star says kids are ‘very scared’ of son born with one arm An exclusive clip obtained by Page Six shows a sweet scene of Jaramillo encouraging her son to say positive things about his disability.
    nypost.com
  13. Напарницей Джоди Фостер в "Настоящем детективе" будет боксер Кали Рейс Стало известно, кто сыграет напарницу Джоди Фостер в четвертом сезоне "Настоящего детектива"
    http://rg.ru
  14. Russia Accused of Abducting Pro-Ukraine Official in Captured Territory The official, described as "elderly" and having health problems, has been in captivity for nearly a week, local authorities said on Tuesday.
    newsweek.com
  15. South Korea's New Leader Seeks EU-Style Unification With Kim Jong Un The second phase toward joining the Koreas under the plan includes "two different systems and two different governments under the same country."
    newsweek.com
  16. 50 migrants found dead in back of tractor trailer in San Antonio Sixteen others, including four children, were taken to local hospitals with heat-related injuries, and three people were in custody, officials said.
    cbsnews.com
  17. US defends sending aircraft through Taiwan Strait as China grows increasingly aggressive The U.S. military pushed back on Chinese claims to own the Taiwan Strait on Tuesday, sending U.S. Navy aircraft to fly over the region and prompt a Chinese response.
    foxnews.com
  18. 'Barbie' Movie Release Date, Cast, Trailer, Plot — All We Know So Far Margot Robbie and Ryan Gosling make the perfect Barbie and Ken in Greta Gerwig's upcoming movie about the famous doll.
    newsweek.com
  19. Poll: 69 Percent of Rhode Islanders Say Joe Biden Should Not Run in 2024 Sixty-nine percent of Rhode Islanders say President Joe Biden should not run in 2024, a Suffolk University/Boston Globe poll found Monday.
    breitbart.com
  20. Bella, Gigi Hadid are unrecognizable with shaved heads at Marc Jacobs show The supermodel sisters strutted their stuff with wild undercuts, blunt-cut bangs and bleached eyebrows.
    nypost.com
  21. Путин ввел обязательную маркировку сельхозживотных Президент РФ Владимир Путин подписал закон, направленный на улучшение учета сельхозживотных. Питомцев документ не коснулся.
    http://rg.ru
  22. 'Umbrella Academy' Cast Talk Luther's Marriage, Diego Being a Dad, and More Tom Hopper, David Castañeda, Ritu Arya and Aidan Gallagher spoke to Newsweek about the biggest "The Umbrella Academy" Season 3 spoilers.
    newsweek.com
  23. Who is Randy Cox? Outrage After Black Man Paralyzed in Police Van Video shows Cox was paralyzed when his neck was broken inside a police van that stopped suddenly, but officers still dragged him along the ground by his arms despite his pleas for help.
    newsweek.com
  24. Lake Superior Twitter Account Slams Abortion Ban, Talks Back at Pro-Lifers The satirical Twitter account, purporting to be written by Lake Superior, won particular praise for its response to American conservative activist Tom Fitton.
    newsweek.com
  25. 101-year-old ex-Nazi guard sentenced for aiding 3,500 murders Josef Schütz was convicted in Germany of more than 3,500 counts of accessory to murder and sentenced to five years in prison, becoming the oldest person to date to be held responsible for Nazi crimes during World War II.
    nypost.com
  26. Orca Pods Are Adopting Pilot Whales and No One Knows Why The killer whales were spotted with a baby pilot whale, despite there being no adult pilot whales anywhere close by.
    newsweek.com
  27. Pro-choice protesters hang 'Biden, protect abortion' banner from DC crane A pair of Pro-Choice protesters hung a banner calling on President Joe Biden to "protect abortion" from a construction crane in Washington, D.C., on Tuesday.
    foxnews.com
  28. Think polarization is bad now? Wait till the post-Roe abortion wars get started. Abortion rights supporters and anti-abortion activists confront each other in front of the US Supreme Court on May 4 in Washington, DC, as demonstrations rippled across the country in reaction to the leaked initial draft majority opinion indicating the Supreme Court would overturn Roe. | Kevin Dietsch/Getty Images Dobbs is the next stress test for America’s teetering democracy. In his decision overturning Roe v. Wadeand Planned Parenthood v. Casey, Justice Samuel Alito argues that the rulings that had protected abortion rights were not only poorly reasoned but actively harmful to American democracy. “Far from bringing about a national settlement of the abortion issue, Roe and Casey have enflamed debate and deepened division,” Alito writes in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health. “It is time to heed the Constitution and return the issue of abortion to the people’s elected representatives.” There are reasons to doubt Alito’s history of the abortion wars. But, more importantly, there is no reason to believe that overturning Roe today will lower partisan tensions in the foreseeable future. As partisan divisions on abortion deepened over the years, the stakes of the issue became even higher, making each subsequent election more and more important to core Democratic and Republican voters. Abortion — and, more specifically, capturing the Court that could strike down the right to getting one — is one of the key reasons Republicans blockaded Merrick Garland, and eventually got on board with Trump despite their misgivings: He would give them the justices necessary to stop what their voters see as a modern-day Holocaust. Now, with the issue returned to state and federal legislatures, elections will actually loom larger than ever. “When it seems like the stakes can’t get any bigger, the end of Roe raises them,” says Lilliana Mason, a political scientist at Johns Hopkins University who studies polarization. Blue states and red states will soon be battling over out-of-state abortions and the national distribution of abortion pills; control over Congress and the presidency could lead to a federal law either legalizing or prohibiting abortion nationwide. The same logic that led Republicans to back an obviously undemocratic demagogue — the consequences are simply too grave for us to let the other side win — now applies on steroids to elections across the country. American democracy is already teetering on a cliff. The coming abortion wars will make it even harder for the country to step away from the brink. Asking if Roe polarized America is asking the wrong question In the six years before Roe came out in 1973, 17 states had reformed their abortion laws, with many following model legislation released by the American Law Institute, a nonpartisan organization of legal experts, in 1962. AP Anti-abortion and pro-abortion rights activists argue their viewpoints on the steps of the New Jersey State House in Trenton on April 30, 1973. That model was not exactly liberal by modern standards: It banned abortion with exceptions for rape and incest, the health of the mother, and cases where “the child would be born with grave physical or mental defect.” But it paved the way for liberalizing and modernizing abortion policy in the US. According to Mary Ziegler, a historian of abortion law at the University of California Davis, the spread of ALI-inspired bills “is what the anti-abortion movement mobilized to oppose.” The National Right to Life Committee (NRLC), America’s oldest and most influential anti-abortion group, was founded in 1968 — five years before the Roe ruling. Groups like the NRLC saw the ALI bill as unacceptable, a denial of the essential personhood of the fetus, and pushed for a total ban. During this pre-Roe struggle, politicians were already trying to figure out how to take political advantage of the emerging national division on the issue. “Richard Nixon was using abortion as a wedge issue in 1972, and already experimenting with how he could polarize the debate to his advantage,” Ziegler tells me. Indeed, Republican efforts on this front yielded one of the most famous attack lines in American history — describing Democratic presidential candidate George McGovern as standing for “amnesty, abortion, and acid.” The core of the political case against Roe is that it took these trends and supercharged them: turning fights over the presidency and Supreme Court nominations into winner-take-all conflict over abortion while preventing states from experimenting with legislation that could offer a compromise way forward. Whether the abortion debate would have become so deeply polarized absent these conditions is debatable; there are plausible arguments on both sides. But today, the most important question is not historical but forward-looking: whether repealing Roe can lower the temperature of popular conflict over abortion. And it’s difficult to imagine that being the case. In Between Two Absolutes, a study of public opinion on abortion by three political scientists, the authors argue that a Supreme Court ruling in 1989 that opened a wider door to state-level regulation of abortion (Webster v. Missouri Reproductive Services) turned abortion into a more salient and divisive issue. The reason, they argue, is that elections now had much greater influence over abortion policy — giving politicians more reason to emphasize abortion on the campaign trail and voters more reason to prioritize it. An analysis by Andrew Gelman, a political statistician at Columbia University, bears this theory out. Gelman finds that there was very little partisan polarization among voters on abortion until 1992, three years after Webster and the same year as Planned Parenthood v. Casey (which reaffirmed Roe but also further opened up room for state-level regulation). State-level conflict on abortion escalated after that, most notably producing a series of pre-Dobbs restrictions in Republican-controlled states after the GOP’s dominant performance in the 2010 midterms. Jose Luis Magana/AP Anti-abortion demonstrators rally outside of the US Supreme Court in March 2020. This record suggests that giving states more discretion on abortion does not produce compromise, despite the fact that most Americans have policy preferences somewhere between anti-abortion and abortion rights extremes. Instead, it creates opportunities for state lawmakers to push for more contentious bills — leading to more partisan conflict, not less. This shouldn’t really be surprising: It speaks to the ways that abortion is both a cause and a consequence of partisan polarization. As the parties have become more clearly split on abortion, anti-abortion Democratic voters have defected to the other side (and vice versa). The American primary system incentivizes most candidates for office to cater to the dominant opinion in their party, especially in the safe seats that make up the bulk of legislative districts at the state and federal level. So the two parties’ policy positions have grown concomitantly apart: Democrats are less likely to talk about abortion as a tragedy to be minimized, and Republicans increasingly likely to support bans with few exceptions. As the stakes for abortion policy become higher, it becomes harder and harder for people who care about the issue to imagine crossing party lines for any reason. For this reason, the notion of returning to a pre-Roe abortion politics seems fanciful. Neal Devins, a law professor at William & Mary and a longtime critic of Roe’s effect on the abortion debate, conceded as much in a 2016 paper, arguing that returning abortion to the states today would be more likely to cause more conflict rather than foster a national settlement on abortion. “Today’s political dynamic is far different than the political dynamic in 1973,” he argues. “Abortion now divides the parties in ways that stand against compromise and deliberation across parties or within parties.” How Dobbs could entrench polarization Political polarization is often a vicious cycle: When parties are deeply and bitterly divided, political actors tend to take aggressive actions that lead to even more intense partisan conflict. There is every reason to expect this to be the case in post-Dobbs America, as red states enact increasingly strict abortion restrictions and blue states try to help abortion seekers circumvent them. Texas’s state law, which will go into effect soon, will ban nearly all abortions, with very narrow exceptions for maternal health. Meanwhile, the California legislature is working on a bill that would provide funding for abortion seekers from states like Texas to travel there for an abortion if it isn’t legal at home. A draft bill in Missouri would apply its own laws to out-of-state abortions by residents. Angela Weiss/AFP via Getty Images Abortion rights activists rally outside the Planned Parenthood Reproductive Health Services Center in St. Louis, Missouri, after the US Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade on June 24. There are also likely to be conflicts between states and the federal government. In December, the Food and Drug Administration issued a ruling allowing abortion pills to be distributed by mail — prompting Republican state lawmakers to try to figure out what could be done to restrict their spread. In a post-Dobbs world, they’ll push even further. State politics are already increasingly national, with voters caring less about politicians’ stances on local issues than their party affiliation. With one of the most divisive national issues on the ballot in every cycle, the stakes of local elections in competitive states will become even higher — making them not only more nationalized, but also sources of greater partisan strife. In deep red and blue states, candidates will have primary incentives to propose even more aggressive legislation on the issue. As a result, extreme partisanship will become even more entrenched, and the polarization feedback loop will grow stronger. Justice Brett Kavanaugh, in his concurrence, signaled something almost resembling relief that the high court would be ridding itself of the abortion question and giving the abortion issue back “to the people and their elected representatives in the democratic process.” But Kavanaugh may find himself disappointed soon enough. The spread of novel state-level abortion laws will yield a tremendous number of lawsuits on largely untested legal questions — lawsuits that will eventually wend themselves toward the Supreme Court. With the Court still being a major player in the abortion wars, battles over its composition will still be (in part) proxy wars over abortion. Moreover, with Roe off the table, the battle for the White House and Congress becomes more than just a battle over who gets to appoint justices. The debate over passing a national law legalizing abortion everywhere — or prohibiting it — is already in full swing. Anti-abortion activists often compare abortion to slavery on a moral level, a comparison I fundamentally reject. But on a political level, it’s a more apt analogy: The issue is so charged, and crosses state lines so thoroughly, that political conflict over it is guaranteed to be bitter and zero-sum. One of the most important political science findings for our understanding our current era is that polarization threatens democracy by raising the stakes of elections. When voters and political leaders view their rivals as enemies, maybe even evil, and elections as existential events, the mutual toleration and forbearance at the heart of democracy wither away. Violating norms becomes imaginable; the boundaries of our politics get tested. In the Trump era, Republicans have already shown how far they’re wiling to go down this particular road. Protecting American democracy depends, at least in part, on figuring out some way to lower the stakes of partisan conflict: to make elections feel less like a zero-sum competition where one’s fundamental view of the country is on the ballot. The abortion wars heightened those stakes. Alito’s hopes to the contrary, the end of Roe won’t lead to a deescalation — and has every chance of making things worse.
    vox.com
  29. Elon Musk becoming fan of ‘hard core authoritarian right’ after voting Republican once: MSNBC column MSNBC columnist Zeeshan Aleem worried that Elon Musk is becoming far right because he voted for a Republican and may support Ron DeSantis for president.
    foxnews.com
  30. Adolescents faced obstacles getting abortions. The Supreme Court just made it harder The legal and logistical obstacles young people face in accessing reproductive health care became more complicated with the overturning of Roe v. Wade, experts say.
    npr.org