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Imellem tirsdag eftermiddag og onsdag morgen klokken 7 værktøj og materialer for formentlig 140.000-180.000 kroner fra en byggeplads på Damgårdsvej i Stenløse.
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A year ago, I published a piece in the print magazine about that long-standing object of American fascination, the Roman Empire. Usually, and usefully, Americans have over the centuries looked to Rome for guidance on how their nation could avoid the predictable slide from republic to empire to conquest and dissolution. My favorite in this genre is the wonderful 2007 book Are We Rome?, by my friend (and Atlantic colleague) Cullen Murphy.But for last year’s piece I discussed some other books, arguing that what happened to Rome after the fall of the Western empire is what Americans should be studying. Especially in this era when central government—leadership on the imperial scale, you might say—was faltering, and when our counterparts to the Roman provinces (that is, our cities and states and regions) were by comparison so much more practical-minded and functional.My friend Eric Schnurer, who has worked in and written extensively (including for The Atlantic) about governance at all levels, wrote a response that highlighted some additional areas of useful comparison between the America of our time and the Rome of yesteryear. Now he is back with an extension of his argument. He calls this dispatch “From Sulla to Sullen: What the Fall of the Roman Republic Tells Us About Where Trump Is Taking Us.” I think it is instructive and worth reading, and with his permission I quote it below.Schnurer began by directing attention away from the end of the empire, and instead to: … the approaching decline of the Roman Republic, a half-millennium earlier. As I wrote last year, “the increasing economic inequality, the increasing political polarization, the total eclipse of ‘the greater good’ by what we’d call ‘special interests,’ the turn toward political violence” all looked “a lot like the present moment to me.” I was thinking of the period dominated by the attempted reforms of the Gracchi brothers—a tag-team somewhat analogous to Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren —roughly a century before the Republic’s ultimate fall into dictatorship. I hardly expected then that within about half a year, Donald Trump would manage to fast-forward the country through half a century of Roman history, to the doorstep of the Civil Wars that destroyed what little was left of Republican Rome. Of course, no historical analogy is exact. The collapse of the Republic was brought on by a combination of structural flaws in its politics and governance, and the self-serving ambitions of ruthless individuals that exploited them. While the causes were many, inter-related, and complex, at their root was a system that defied any notion of the common good and was devoid of political means to resolve rather than exacerbate division. The Republic was the creation of a tight-knit oligarchy that had overthrown the preceding monarchy and, as a result, held a deep-seated determination never again to allow any one individual to accumulate so much power as to overawe all others. The solution was not so much a separation of powers, as we conceive of it—officials simultaneously played executive, legislative and even judicial roles—as a vast multiplicity of individuals who could hold their posts only once, and for only a year. But this was no “citizen’s republic”: A small coterie of privileged families held almost all these offices and voting was severely limited. Moreover, the term “republic”—from the Latin for “a thing of the public”—was meant to distinguished it from a monarchy, which was essentially the personal property of the ruler in which other people simply happened to live. But the Roman Republic was more like what we might think of as a “publicly-held corporation” and, essentially, treated as private property. Officials used public office to profit personally and directly (and openly). Of course, it takes money to make money, so only the very wealthy could afford to pursue these rewards because, along the way, they were expected personally to pay for the lavish spectacles, such as the famous gladiatorial games, that sated the public, as well as major public works and public building projects. The Roman state, in short, while ostensibly “public,” had long since been thoroughly privatized. This state was essentially an increasingly-imperial business enterprise, in the guise of a government. The expanding conquests, which were basically run as profit centers, undercut the working populations in the city through a growing influx of slave labor, and drove rural residents off their land through collapsing agricultural prices due to burgeoning grain imports—the automation and offshoring of their day. These developments nonetheless personally benefited the wealthy Senatorial and governing elite that wielded government power increasingly for the sole private benefit of its members. This led to spiraling social tensions that, when they flared into violence, were resolved through grudging concessions rather than fundamental—and democratizing—changes. The “radical” Warren-esque reforms of the Gracchi, who themselves were highly patrician, arguably aimed to save their own class from themselves as much as saving the Republic, by creating economic safety-valves not unlike the patrician Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal at the depths of the Great Depression. The elites were too selfish, or short-sighted, or both, to see the wisdom—resulting in a violent uprising of the dispossessed known as “the Social War.” Conceptions of a greater good shared broadly amongst a frontier people who had thrown off their king, and came together especially in times of external threat, had long since melted away before the pursuit of personal wealth and power. Politics could no longer bridge the divides, because the threat did not come from without: The enemy was the other within. In this res public largely eviscerated of any sense of the “public,” politics and government increasingly degenerated further into the personal. Wealthy politicians vied for, and alternated in power, with the support of their own personal parties, armed factions, and the communications media of the day (Julius Caesar, with his Commentaries on his subjugation of Gaul, was a master of this). By a half-century after the Gracchi’s reforms were beaten back, extremely different visions of governing structure, social issues, and economics eventually confronted each other for power in the form of essentially personalized states built largely around either Gaius Marius or Lucius Cornelius Sulla. And that might be where we find ourselves today. While the political parallels are from perfect, Marius, hardly a blameless figure, personified the cause of the populares—what we might think of as more-or-less progressive, advocating for an expanded democracy and economic redistribution. Sulla, a patrician who indulged a fairly libertine, sometimes vulgar, lifestyle even throughout his several marriages, was nonetheless the champion of the economic, social and political conservatives, prevailed and eventually became dictator. While Roman politics had long been a nasty affair, Sulla was the first to institutionalize “proscription”—the practice of declaring your opponents “enemies of the state” and thereby licensing open-hunting season on them. He also became the first ever to violate perhaps the most deeply-held norm of the Republic’s unwritten constitution—that no general was ever to lead armed forces across the sacred boundary, the pomerium, of Rome itself—which set the precedent for Julius Caesar’s later, and more famous, crossing of the Rubicon that all but marked the end of the Republic, and Rome’s imperfect democracy, for good. Now, within the last month, President Trump has sent armed forces into American cities—but not the regular armed forces, as he has mooted in the past. He didn’t call up the National Guard, as presidents normally do when responding to emergencies or civil unrest: With military leaders and some troops themselves publicly expressing discomfort after their use against peaceful protests in Washington, DC, Trump needed to find forces more personally loyal to himself—and he did so in the Customs and Border Patrol—outside any existing branch of the military, responding directly to his agenda, arguably beyond his constitutional authority, and targeting dissent ... But, as is often the case with Trump, creation of this new praetorian guard can alternatively be understood as essentially a business, rather than an ideological, development—simply a further, if more disturbing, extension of his privatization and personalization of the federal government. The fact that this new model army displays no government agency’s insignia on its personnel or vehicles—relying instead on widely-available camouflage rather than government uniforms—means that private militias and vigilantes can easily join forces with it, or even take actions on their own, indistinguishable from these new-fangled government irregulars. As I predicted when Trump first took office, the distinction between public and private sectors is melting away before our very eyes even as to the deployment of legitimate force that, ever since the great sociologist Max Weber, has been seen as the defining element of the state. Coming as it does at the same time that Trump has declared, even more unmistakably than in the past, that he is not inclined to honor the election results if he loses and then floated delaying them, the creation of what is essentially his own personal army raises the possibility that Trump eventually may create, well, his own personal government. Many have expressed concerns for some time that Trump would attempt to remain in office if he were defeated, and might rally armed militias to his cause (I’ve raised this concern myself since the night Trump was elected) … But even if he does leave, the likely Trump post-presidency that fits best with his personality and history—not to mention that of the Romans—may be even more troubling and dangerous. Trump, if he were to lose, might well leave the White House—he never liked the building to begin with, and doesn’t like the actual work of the presidency—but never concede that he lost. He might not be the real President anymore … but he could play one on TV. If he continued to insist that he were the actual, legitimate President of the United States, there can be little doubt that tens of millions of Americans would believe him. And unlike your average crank, Trump has the resources and ability to turn this into a 24/7 TV reality program through his own television network, even further to the right and more reliably sycophantic than FOX—which he reportedly was considering launching had he not, unexpectedly, won the 2016 election. Imagine an alternative President, with at least as much media reach as the one actually in the White House, with an unshakably devoted following of perhaps as much as one-third of the country, and perhaps even his own private armed forces—Sulla with a TV station funded by his fellow reactionary patricians, with his own camo-clad stormtroopers picking up and disappearing populare protestors in unmarked vans—and the present looks even more like the late Republic than when I wrote about this less than a year ago. If this occurs, the country would descend into dueling polities, dueling realities, and dueling war zones. Of course, there are always alternatives: As dysfunctional as the Republic had become, Rome didn’t necessarily need a Caesar. But it did need a modernization of its pre-imperial governance technology—a standing bureaucracy and a streamlined executive to carry out the legislative will would have improved on the existing multi-headed oligarchy at least as well as the succession of terrible emperors did. And a peaceful mechanism for resolving the increasingly disparate interests of Rome’s increasingly disparate and unwieldy empire—broadened and meaningful democracy, for instance, along with progressive economic policies and perhaps a Plebian Lives Matter movement—might have averted a half-millennium of dictatorship dominated not by orderly succession but factional assassinations and coups until even the Empire eventually conceded it couldn’t manage the job and simply partitioned itself. We face similar choices today. History isn’t destiny. But it is a warning. Thanks to Eric Schnurer, whom you can reach directly on his website, here.
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How Ellen DeGeneres’s facade of kindness crumbled 
Ellen DeGeneres in her home. | Getty Images Ellen DeGeneres built her career on being nice. Now that’s in jeopardy. The most chaotic, dramatic story in television right now is whatever’s going on offstage at The Ellen DeGeneres Show. Reports of a toxic work culture, discrimination, and sexual harassment are threatening to tarnish the 17-year-old, feel-good talk show’s reputation as a dreamland where celebrities become our closest friends, donations change lives, and a lot of clunky dancing takes place. The cracks in this veneer started off thin and narrow: As the show became a daytime TV juggernaut over the past two decades, rumors simultaneously circulated that DeGeneres was not as nice in person as the show portrayed her to be. But the cracks have spread over the past year, and became glaringly obvious during a memorable, uncomfortable interview on her show in November; months later, former employees began speaking up about what a terror it was to work on the show. The discourse kept growing. Celebrities chimed in, some defending DeGeneres and some affirming what former staffers had said. Other previous employees went on the record to address their own negative experiences with DeGeneres. And finally, in July, two scathing reports of a nightmare workplace and producers sexually harassing their junior staffers were published, leaving the public image of the show — and DeGeneres herself — in disarray. DeGeneres herself acknowledged that the show had its faults. “On day one of our show, I told everyone in our first meeting that The Ellen DeGeneres Show would be a place of happiness — no one would ever raise their voice, and everyone would be treated with respect,” DeGeneres wrote, apologizing in a letter to her staff about the reports’ allegations. “Obviously, something changed, and I am disappointed to learn that this has not been the case. And for that, I am sorry. Anyone who knows me knows it’s the opposite of what I believe and what I hoped for our show.” That letter came the preceded a report allegations of sexual misconduct against her producers was published. Though she hasn’t been directly accused of outright malpractice, every part of the show operates under DeGeneres’s name and specific brand of relentless kindness. At best, the patron celebrity TV host of niceness just may not have known what was happening to her staffers. At worst, she knew and ignored — or even participated in — what a toxic workplace her show had become. There’s now a question of whether or not the show will go on. And if does go on, will people still be there to watch? Dakota Johnson’s confrontational interview left a big crack in Ellen’s facade DeGeneres’s reputation began showing wear months ago. Perhaps the most pivotal moment in the destruction of DeGeneres’s persona as TV’s friendliest talk show host happened in November during an interview with actress and celebrity scion Dakota Johnson. The interview, like most of DeGeneres’s interviews, seemed to be casual, as if DeGeneres and Johnson were old friends. But this typical pattern was subverted and dove into awkward territory when DeGeneres asked Johnson about why she wasn’t invited to Johnson’s recent 30th birthday party. The implication: Dakota Johnson is too cool for nice Ellen, or maybe she’s even a mean girl. “Actually, no, that’s not the truth, Ellen,” Johnson said about the supposed diss. “Ask everybody. Ask Jonathan, your producer.” Off-camera,a staffer confirmed that Johnson was right. DeGeneres had been invited. “Why didn’t I go?” DeGeneres asked out loud, admitting defeat. “Oh yeah, I had that thing.” To keep the ball in her joking court, she added, “[The party] was probably in Malibu. That’s too far for me to go to.” DeGeneres’s whereabouts on October 5, the day of Johnson’s party, are not publicly known. Butshe was spotted in Texas the next day, sitting beside George W. Bush at a Dallas Cowboys game. The October 6 appearance caused an online backlash, because of DeGeneres’s apparent willingness to be friendly with a former president whose administration supported anti-LGBTQ policies (DeGeneres is gay) and failed to act in the face of Hurricane Katrina (DeGeneres was born in Louisiana). Through admonishing Johnson, DeGeneres was caught fibbing and inadvertently drew attention to her controversial hangout with Bush. For DeGeneres, who has built her career on being seen as authentically nice, her fib tarnished her reputation even more than watching a game with George W. Bush did. Stories about not-pleasant encounters with DeGeneres started surfacing on Twitter not long afterward, and some of DeGeneres’s past, incredibly awkward interviews with celebrities have been touted out as evidence that DeGeneres was never as nice as she wanted us to think. The Johnson interview and the many memes it inspired about how DeGeneres wasn’t telling the truth and trying to embarrass Johnson left a permanent mark on DeGeneres’ record. Months later, in March, podcast host Kevin T. Porter posted a dare about DeGeneres that would go viral. He promised a $2 donation for every mean story someone had about DeGeneres. Porter called the submissions at roughly 300, donating $600. Right now we all need a little kindness. You know, like Ellen Degeneres always talks about! ❤️ She’s also notoriously one of the meanest people aliveRespond to this with the most insane stories you’ve heard about Ellen being mean & I’ll match every one w/ $2 to @LAFoodBank— Kevin T. Porter (@KevinTPorter) March 20, 2020 Granted, there’s no fact-checking when it comes to those stories on Twitter. But the allure of finding a disconnect of DeGeneres’s onscreen persona and her real-life actions drove people to the thread. Over 71,000 people liked the tweet, more than 18,000 retweeted, and a little more than 2,900 replied to it. More stories of the show’s poor environment followed quickly. Weeks later, on April 16, Variety reported that various crew members from DeGeneres’s show were frustrated after a lack of communication and lack of transparency when it came to getting paid. The show was being done remotely and only four core crew members, according to Variety’s sources, were retained. Many staffers saw a drastic pay reduction without any clear communication and were surprised to see DeGeneres film remotely from her home. Variety reported: “When returning from break, the crew was paid the week of March 30th despite having no firm plans for production to resume,” the spokesperson said. Pay reduced to 8 hours from 10 hours per work day for the week of the 30th, insiders said. As of April 10, crew was told to expect a reduced compensation of two, 8-hour work days per week. DeGeneres’s show often features her being generous and donating money that goes a long way to helping people’s lives. Not retaining her staff and keeping them in the dark about their salary cuts during a pandemic doesn’t match up with the person who’s so kind to charities and disadvantaged guests on her show. Exacerbating matters, DeGeneres tweeted on April 9 that quarantine was like “being in jail.” The comparison was called out for being inappropriate, lacking in self-awareness, and from a place of privilege. It was after the reports of DeGeneres’s treatment of her staff that shifted the narrative into something more serious. There’s a difference between not gauging the Johnson joke and not paying your staff. Her staff’s horror stories about their salaries, drove the narrative beyond gossip of Ellen not being the Ellen on her show or Ellen flashing moments of meanness, and into the territory of DeGeneres’s competence as a boss and real consequences of her actions. Ellen DeGeneres’s staff suffered from a toxic workplace. They’re the ones who had to call it out. In July, BuzzFeed published two scalding articles by reporter Krystie Lee Yandoli. Yandoli spoke to former and current employees who say DeGeneres’s show was toxic and, in some cases was a place where producers allegedly sexually harassed staffers. Those staffers said DeGeneres either had no idea of what was going on at her show or, worse, knew and did nothing. The first BuzzFeed story featured accounts from 10 former employees, including a woman who said she experienced racist comments and then was chastised for voicing her opinion. She is Black, and said that co-workers distanced themselves from her when she raised concerns. BuzzFeed reported: The former employee said she was also called into a meeting with executive producer Ed Glavin, where she was reprimanded for her objections to the term “spirit animal,” asking for a raise, and suggesting employees on the show receive diversity and inclusion training.“He said that I was walking around looking resentful and angry,” she said. DeGeneres addressed the workplace allegations in a letter to her staff on July 30. She took responsibility stating that there would be an investigation into the workplace practices. But she also said that she wasn’t fully accountable for the transgressions because she had put the show in the hands of producers who were in charge of the day-to-day. She wrote: As we’ve grown exponentially, I’ve not been able to stay on top of everything and relied on others to do their jobs as they knew I’d want them done. Clearly some didn’t. That will now change and I’m committed to ensuring this does not happen again. I’m also learning that people who work with me and for me are speaking on my behalf and misrepresenting who I am and that has to stop. As someone who was judged and nearly lost everything for just being who I am, I truly understand and have deep compassion for those being looked at differently, or treated unfairly, not equal, or — worse — disregarded. That same day, BuzzFeed published a second, follow-up article featuring interviews with dozens — the news outlet spoke to 36 people — of former Ellen Show employees, who alleged that producers Kevin Leman, Ed Glavin, and Jonathan Norman engaged in sexual harassment and misconduct. Essentially, some of the people that DeGeneres herself said she put in charge and relied on took advantage of their subordinates. BuzzFeed reported: One ex-employee said head writer and executive producer Kevin Leman asked him if he could give him a hand job or perform oral sex in a bathroom at a company party in 2013. Another said they separately saw Leman grab a production assistant’s penis. … BuzzFeed News spoke to 36 former employees, many of whom independently corroborated incidents of harassment, sexual misconduct, and assault from top producers like Leman. All of the ex-employees, many of whom had voluntarily left the show, asked to remain anonymous out of fear of retribution. The producers in question either denied or declined to speak about the accusations, and the show’s distributor Warner Bros. said that it “hoped to determine the validity and extent of publicly reported allegations and to understand the full breadth of the show’s day-to-day culture.” But the question remains about whether DeGeneres herself knew about what was going on, or didn’t want to know. The former employees are split. “She knows,” a former employee told BuzzFeed of DeGeneres’s involvement in the toxicity. “She knows shit goes on, but also she doesn’t want to hear it.” The story is so shocking because how well Ellen Degeneres made herself the face of unflinching niceness At this point, more and more people are coming forward about how awful it was to work at certain television shows with certain actors, writers rooms, creatives, and Hollywood bigwigs,bringing the reality of what it’s like working in Hollywood to light. The stories about abuse and caustic workplaces seem like symptoms of a bigger problem — an industry with little to no oversight or protections for its workers. But what makes The Ellen DeGeneres Show production team’s alleged transgressions more shocking is that DeGeneres has built an entire career and celebrity status by assuring us that she wasn’t like other celebrities. DeGeneres’s brand is about being so relentlessly kind and so interminably inoffensive that you didn’t have to worry about Ellen ever being problematic. DeGeneres once admitted that her perceived “niceness” can feel like a cage — a cage built on the years of good deeds and good-natured humor DeGeneres has displayed. “I wanted to show all of me,” she told the New York Times in December 2018, explaining the freedom of stand-up and how it allowed her to be more of herself. “The talk show is me, but I’m also playing a character of a talk-show host. There’s a tiny, tiny bit of difference.” The problem for DeGeneres is: What happens when you take away the niceness that she built her empire on? In the wake of the accusations against DeGeneres and the show, celebrities like Katy Perry and Ashton Kutcher have defended DeGeneres, saying they were never treated poorly or observed mistreatment. Some former celebrity guests, including Brad Garrett and Lea Thompson, said that they were treated poorly on the show and weren’t surprised at all by the ex-employees’ stories. At the same time, on social media, detractors began dream casting possible replacements for DeGeneres. Although her show is in syndication and is not part of a larger franchise — The Ellen DeGeneres Show lives and dies by Ellen DeGeneres — the idea is that other hosts with more authentically friendly reputations are more deserving of the daytime TV throne. (Names like The Late Late Show host James Corden, a.k.a. Carpool Karaoke Connoisseur, were the ones most bandied about.) But Ellen’s show doesn’t seem to be in any present danger. Andy Lassner, an executive producer on the show, tweeted on July 30 that the show would continue; it’s currently on a previously scheduled summer hiatus, but is still scheduled to return with DeGeneres at the helm in the fall. With the rise of social media and constant public contact, people don’t expect celebrities to be the most idealized versions of themselves 24 hours a day, seven days a week. Some celebrities are even lauded for snapping and showing brief, maybe chaotic moments of vulnerability because it affirms their humanity. Many people, including DeGeneres, knew she wasn’t ever going to be as nice as her talk show promised her to be. But I also don’t think anyone expected DeGeneres’s talk show to be as caustic and volatile behind the scenes as reported. And now the question isn’t if DeGeneres’s persona is fake, but if her scores of fans can support a show that’s caused so many people that work there so much pain. Support Vox’s explanatory journalism Every day at Vox, we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you, and our audience around the world, with information that has the power to save lives. Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment: to empower you through understanding. Vox’s work is reaching more people than ever, but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn. Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation, but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles, videos, and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires. Please consider making a contribution to Vox today.
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Amazon takes up to 25 percent off clothing and more for Big Summer Sale
Amazon has kicked off its Big Summer Sale which is filled with savings of up to 25% off  home decor, clothing and more. Standouts include products from top brands like Adidas, Instant Pot and Beats headphones. And that’s only the beginning of the amazing deals. Whether you’re looking to improve your home or spoil your...
As leaders in Lebanon deflect responsibility for explosion, skepticism grows
In aftermath of Beirut explosion, skepticism grows among members of the public and the international community.
Would you buy a $700 dollar shirt that doesn’t exist?
The fact that the clothes don't exist adds to the cool factor, said one buyer.
Russia claims it will win race in finding coronavirus vaccine, scientists say not so fast
Russia has announced that mass vaccinations are planned for early October, which would make it the first country to approve and distribute a coronavirus vaccine, but scientists are warning against the move.
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Tiger tracker: Follow his PGA Championship second round
Tiger Woods' opening 2-under 68 Thursday left him very much in the conversation. How is he faring in the second round?       
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Hospitals prepare for huge motorcycle rally with masks not required
CNN's Sara Sidner reports
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Hatch Act could derail Trump's WH convention idea
President Donald Trump recently said he may deliver his nomination acceptance speech during the Republican National Convention at the White House. Critics allege it would violate the Hatch Act, which limits political activity by federal workers. (Aug 7)       
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