Adiós a Cesare Romiti, histórica mano derecha de Agnelli en Fiat y presidente de RCS

Después de su etapa en Fiat, Romiti presidió además Rizzoli Corriere della Sera (RCS), el principal grupo editorial italiano, entre los años 1998 y 2004 Leer
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Georgia’s two super-competitive Senate races, explained
Democratic candidates for Senate Rev. Raphael Warnock (left) and Jon Ossoff arrive for a campaign event in Jonesboro, Georgia, on October 27. The two are hoping to unseat incumbent Sens. David Perdue and Kelly Loeffler. | Brynn Anderson/AP There’s a chance both of Georgia’s Senate races could be decided next year. Georgia, a once-solidly Republican state, has not one but two competitive Senate races this year. Driven by booming and quickly-diversifying suburbs outside Atlanta, and suburban women fleeing the Republican party under President Donald Trump, these trends could give Democrats Jon Ossoff and Rev. Raphael Warnock a shot at winning. “The fact we’re even talking about a competitive race in Georgia tells you the impact of demographic change on American politics,” Republican pollster Whit Ayres recently told Vox. Ayres, for one, thinks traditionally southern states like Georgia and Texas are still a few yearsaway from being true swing states. But Democrats in the state aren’t so sure. “Our time is now,” 2018 gubernatorial candidate Stacey Abrams, the founder of voting rights group Fair Fight, told Vox in an email interview. “We’re in a strong position; our message to voters is that when we overwhelm the system with our voices, we will win.” In one Senate race, Republican Sen. David Perdue faces Ossoff, who narrowly lost a 2017 Georgia Congressional race in a district Democrats flipped the next year. Then there’s a less conventional — and far more crowded — special election race to replace retiring Republican Sen. Johnny Isakson. A whopping 20 candidates running in the special election, but the three at the top are Republican incumbent Sen. Kelly Loeffler (appointed to replace Isakson in 2019), Democrat and senior pastor of the Ebenezer Baptist Church pastor Warnock, and conservative Rep. Doug Collins, who is running to Loeffler’s right. Brendan Smialowski/AFP via Getty Images President Trump greets Rep. Doug Collins, Sen. Kelly Loeffler, and Sen. David Perdue (right) in Marietta on September 25. If no candidate clears a threshold of 50 percent, Georgia Senate races go to a federal runoff election, scheduled for January 5, 2021. The special election is widely expected to go to a runoff. Polls have shown Warnock in the lead, with Loeffler and Collins splitting the Republican vote, but no one close to 50 percent. The regular election between Perdue and Ossoff is also incredibly tight; a recent Atlanta Journal-Constitution poll showed Ossoff just one point ahead of the Republican incumbent — a statistical tie at 46 percent to 45 percent. The same poll found Trump and Democrat Joe Biden essentially tied as well. Another recent New York Times/Siena College poll found Ossoff and Perdue tied at 43 percent each. The big question in Georgia politics these days is not just whether Democrats can pull off a win — it’s also whether there will be two runoffs this winter. For the “special election, it’s a surety,” said University of Georgia political science professor George Bullock. “For the other one, if indeed the polling is accurate, then I think it’s a high probability.” The traditional Senate race, explained This spring, Sen. Perdue gave a group of GOP activists an unvarnished warning about the coming election year. “Here’s the reality: The state of Georgia is in play,” Perdue said on a call obtained by CNN. “The Democrats have made it that way.” Perdue was initially considered one of the more insulated senatorsin a year where Republicans were defending a lot of territory. Perdue is conservative and business-friendly, and a staunch defender of the president in a historically Republican state. He’s a multi-millionaire former CEO of companies like Reebok and Dollar General, and lives in a gated community on Georgia’s ultra-wealthy Sea Island. “The fact we’re even talking about a competitive race in Georgia tells you the impact of demographic change on American politics” “He has been absent for six years, I mean completely absent,” said Georgia state Sen. Jen Jordan, a Democrat. “No town halls, no public events, nothing. It’s not like he’s at his local Kroger.” Even more warning signs started to appear in the spring, as polls showed the race between Perdue and investigative journalist and 2017 congressional candidate Jon Ossoff tightening. “From day one we’ve known that this will be one of the most competitive races in the country,” Perdue campaign spokesman John Burke told Vox in a statement, adding, “We are confident that Georgians will re-elect Sen. Perdue on November 3rd.” Atlanta’s diversifying suburbs were already worrisome for Republicans. The party is also watching as existing trends are being hastened a combination of white suburban voters moving away from Trump, and increased turnout among Black voters. “Counties and suburbs of Atlanta are moving at light speed away from Republicans,” said Cook Political Report Senate editor Jessica Taylor, who rates both Georgia races as tossups. “Trump has accelerated a more natural evolution, but that has made it hard.” While Perdue has spent the race painting Ossoff as a “socialist” with a “radical agenda,” Ossoff has spent his campaign talking about anti-corruption reforms, racial justice, and lowering the cost of health care. Ossoff told Vox that if he’s elected, anti-corruption reforms — including a Constitutional amendment overturning Citizens United, a corporate PAC ban, and a ban on stock trading by sitting senators — will be his first priority in the Senate. Brynn Anderson/AP Common (right) speaks to a crowd during a campaign event with Democratic candidates for Senate Jon Ossoff and Rev. Raphael Warnock in Jonesboro on October 27. Elijah Nouvelage/Getty Images Ossoff takes a photo with a supporter in Lithonia on October 3. The third item is a direct shot at Perdue and Loeffler, both of whom have taken heat for stock trades made after they received classified briefings on the Covid-19 pandemic while they were in office. Both have denied the allegations of wrongdoing, and say that the trades were made by outside advisers, without their knowledge. “The necessity of anti-corruption reforms also cuts through the partisan divide because everyone recognizes the political system is corrupt,” Ossoff said in an interview. “Everyone recognizes that it’s a systemic issue more than it’s a partisan issue. The key is connecting it to people’s daily lives: The outrageous price of prescription drugs, the abuses that we face daily, from insurance companies, the way that polluters are empowered to destroy our clean air and clean water.” Beyond policy, Ossoff also gets a boost in Democratic circles from his 2017 congressional campaign in Georgia’s 6th Congressional district — a traditionally Republican district that’s part of Atlanta’s suburbs. Even though Ossoff ultimately lost that race, multiple sources told Vox that Ossoff’s 2017 race energized a contingent of disillusioned white suburban women and Black voters, and helped beef up Democratic organizing in the area. Democrats flipped the district the following year, electing Democratic Rep. Lucy McBath. “Democrats really were in the wilderness since at least 2002,” Jordan told Vox. “No power, Republicans weren’t even being challenged. Jon runs for this congressional [seat] and all of a sudden you see these women in the Atlanta suburbs coming out in droves to support him and work for him.” Ossoff recognizes the changing demographics of the Atlanta suburbs are a growing source of energy for Democrats in state, combined with a “massive” investment in party infrastructure. “I was out marching with NAACP in July, and it was people of all backgrounds, races ages, from all regions participating,” he told Vox. “This is driving the collapse of the GOP southern strategy, their approach to politics in the south since Nixon has been to divide voters along racial and cultural lines. And now we have this multiracial coalition ... that GOP strategy is breaking down.” The special election, explained Most Georgia politics observers expect we won’t know the winner of the special Senate election for a few more months. The crowded field for the Georgia’s special election ultimately comes down to three people: Warnock, Loeffler, and Doug Collins, the ranking member of the House Judiciary Committee and a staunch Trump ally. The Democratic side has mostly cleared for Warnock, but polls show Republican voters are split between Loeffler and Collins. (Matt Lieberman, son of former vice presidential candidate and Sen. Joe Lieberman, is also running, but has seen his support disappear as the race heated up and Warnock was endorsed by party leaders including former President Barack Obama.) The New York Times polling showed Warnock leading both Republicans at 32 percent, with Loeffler getting 23 percent of Republican support compared to 17 percent for Collins. A couple surveys have shown Warnock inching into 40 percent territory, but the conventional wisdom among many is that he won’t be able to clear 50 percent by November 3. John Bazemore/AP Sen. Kelly Loeffler waves to a crowd of Trump supporters during a campaign rally in Macon on October 16. “He is opening a lead over either of the Republicans,” said Bullock, the University of Georgia professor. Loeffler and Collins, on the other hand, appear to be splitting the Republican vote pretty evenly. “If you add the vote for those two together, it comes close to equalling the vote for Perdue and the vote for Trump.” For Warnock and whichever Republican emerges out of the special election, there’s an open question of whether voter enthusiasm will remain high in January. Turnout will likely be lower then, and if Joe Biden wins the White House, Democrats run the risk of Republican turnout being energized to put a check on a Democratic president. Appointed by Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp in 2019 as part of an effort to stop the exodus of white suburban womenfrom the Republican party, Loeffler has taken a hard right turn towards Trump — even advertising in an ad that she’s “more conservative than Attila the Hun.” Loeffler was recently endorsed by controversial Congressional candidate Marjorie Taylor Greene, who espouses the baseless “Q Anon” conspiracy theory. If her original goal was to draw in disaffected suburban women, that might be more difficult. (Loeffler’s campaign didn’t respond to Vox’s request for comment). “She didn’t really have a persona,” said Jordan, the Democratic state senator. “She was known as being really rich and one of the owners of the WNBA” team in Atlanta. On the Democratic side, the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee early on backed Raphael Warnock, the senior pastor of the storied Ebenezer Baptist Church. Warnock’s church has a storied legacy; it’s where civil rights icon Martin Luther King Jr. served as pastor in the 1960s. Alyssa Pointer-Pool/Getty Images Rev. Raphael Warnock offers a benediction to close the funeral service of the late Rep. John Lewis at Ebenezer Baptist Church in Atlanta on July 30. “Georgia is the home state of Martin Luther King Jr.,” Warnock told Vox in an interview. “It has long been the tip of the spear for change in America. And I think that through this movement we’re building, it once again will be a central focus for that change.” Even in 2020, the fight for racial justice and civil rights has been difficult. Georgia was the site of two shocking killings of black men this year alone: First, the shooting death of jogger Ahmaud Arbery in his neighborhood by two white men, and then the police shooting of Rayshard Brooks a few weeks after George Floyd’s killing in Minneapolis. Warnock delivered the eulogy for Brooks this summer. “It was one of the toughest things I’ve had to do in my ministry,” he told Vox. “The thing that that I remember the most was talking to his eight-year-old daughter. Earlier that day, she had been celebrating her eighth birthday party with her dad. And from now on her birthday will be associated with his last day. That is too much for any child to have to bear.” Warnock said issues of racial justice are not just “theoretical” to him. One of his early ads was about his experience at age 12 being dragged out of a store and accused of shoplifting, simply for having his hands in his pockets. “All these years later, while we have made considerable progress, we’re still fighting voter suppression and police brutality,” Warnock told Vox. “What I’m most inspired by is the appropriate restlessness of the yell. I think that they’re justified in their discontent.” Georgia’s demographics are changing rapidly The center of Georgia’s demographic change are Atlanta’s growing and diversifying suburbs. Business is booming in Atlanta, and so is population. Between 2010 and 2019, the area’s population shot up from about 5.3 million people to over than 6 million, according to data from the US Census, reported by Curbed. That growth put the Atlanta metro area fourth in growth nationwide, behind Houston and Dallas, Texas, and Phoenix, Arizona (Senate seats in Texas and Arizona are also considered Democratic targets this year). “Every area in metro Atlanta is growing,” said state Rep. Angelika Kausche, a Democrat. “People come here for the education, for the schools, for the quality of life.” That has brought legions of diverse, younger voters to Atlanta’s metro area. Amid the influx to the Atlanta suburbs, political observers in Georgia have been watching elections get closer and closer. In the 2018 governor’s race, Abrams lost to then-Secretary of State Brian Kemp by a little more than 50,000 votes — a scare for Georgia Republicans. Alyssa Pointer/Atlanta Journal-Constitution via AP Stacey Abrams attended the funeral service for John Lewis. “Stacey Abrams lost by less than 55,000 votes out of 4 million in an election, which her opponent was also the umpire,” Warnock said. “With his thumb firmly on the scale, he barely squeaked by less than 55,000 votes.” Abrams’s group Fair Fight and other voting rights groups like the New Georgia Project have been putting a ton of effort into registering and turning out Black voters in high rates this year. The state has already hit record registration levels, with about 7.6 million voters registered. And since early voting started, over 2.7 million voters have cast ballots. “We’re going to have record turnout,” said Abrams. “We’ve already had half a million more Georgians cast their ballots than did for the entire early voting period of 2016. Georgia has by far the largest percentage of Black voters of any battleground state.” Aaron Ross Coleman contributed reporting. Will you help keep Vox free for all? The United States is in the middle of one of the most consequential presidential elections of our lifetimes. It’s essential that all Americans are able to access clear, concise information on what the outcome of the election could mean for their lives, and the lives of their families and communities. That is our mission at Vox. But our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources. Even when the economy and the news advertising market recovers, your support will be a critical part of sustaining our resource-intensive work. If you have already contributed, thank you. If you haven’t, please consider helping everyone understand this presidential election: Contribute today from as little as $3.
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It’s been a tough year for retail, and stores are hoping you’ll buy despite the election. | Frederic J. Brown/AFP via Getty Images Like the rest of us, brands don’t know what the world will look like on November 4. They still need to meet their sales goals. In a normal year, a holiday marketing email landing in my inbox the first week of October would have been cause for an immediate “unsubscribe.” In 2020, though, the premature arrival of festive cheer and seasonal discounts hardly registered as unusual — coming, as it did, after months in which my experience of time seemed to bear little connection to my calendar. Brands that might otherwise wait until mid-November to start pushing out holiday promotions had plenty of reasons for getting a head start, most of them related to the Covid-19 pandemic: reducing last-minute crowds, capitalizing on the momentum from Amazon’s months-delayed Prime Day, and accounting for shipping delays caused by the expected flood of online orders. The wild card that marketers say has been at the top of all of their minds, though, is the upcoming US presidential election, a single day in November that could very well monopolize the country’s attention long past the closing of the polls. How do you get customers excited about your new air fryer or eyeshadow palette when they’re worried about the future of democracy? The coming weeks will be a test of what happens when the holiday shopping bonanza collides with one of the most fraught political events in recent history. How do you get customers excited about your new air fryer or eyeshadow palette when they’re worried about the future of democracy? How soon is too soon to advertise a sale once the polls close? Just as America’s top political strategists are currently mapping out different election outcomes — a landslide victory for either side, a contested race that takes weeks to call due to record numbers of mail-in ballots, civil unrest stoked by President Trump’s unfounded cries of voter fraud — brands are creating contingency plans for how and when they’ll be able to sell you stuff again. Vickie Segar, the founder of Village Marketing, an influencer marketing agency, says she’s advised her clients to scale back significantly during the first couple of weeks of November. She wants to make sure they don’t get caught in the same situation many did four years ago, having to redo campaigns that audiences never saw. “During the election in 2016, we assumed there would be a couple of days where we would go dark on media,” she recalls. Instead, Trump’s win sent the country reeling, keeping audiences’ attention on national political news rather than shopping or lifestyle content. In the past two presidential cycles, consumer spending dropped 6 percent year over year during the week of the election, according to Epsilon’s Abacus database. Those clicks and dollars did bounce back, but not until at least a week after the election, Segar says — and this year, with the likelihood of contested results and the concurrent threat of the pandemic, the outlook is even more uncertain. “It’s like a perfect storm,” says Segar, whose agency is also working with Joe Biden’s campaign to reach young voters on social media. “We just have to be prepared.” For some companies, this means preparing for business disruptions: Maggie Merklin, executive vice president at Analytic Partners, a marketing analytics company, says one client, a restaurant group, anticipates another lockdown if Biden wins the election and is planning out scenarios for national or statewide closures. The CEO of ServiceChannel, a facilities management company that works with gyms, retailers, and other businesses, told the Wall Street Journal that hundreds of its clients have plywood and contractors ready to mobilize in case of protests and civil unrest. However, for other brands, this preparation has as much to do with the messaging they’ll put out. In the lead-up to the election, many brands have thrown their weight behind voter turnout efforts: Fashion labels have released “vote” merchandise, ride-sharing apps have offered free or discounted transportation to the polls, and companies of all persuasions have used their email lists, Instagram feeds, and celebrity ambassadors to encourage customers to do their civic duty. This kind of bipartisan message is a relatively safe way to get involved in the national conversation. According to a recent Morning Consult poll, 59 percent of Americans believe corporations should use their influence to ensure safe and fair elections. Picking a side — or being perceived to pick one — is riskier, with 52 percent of respondents saying companies shouldn’t be involved in getting politicians elected. “I think it’s every brand’s responsibility to become part of that process and to speak up about what’s going on” Jennifer Bett Meyer, president and founder of the media relations agency Jennifer Bett Communications, says she has encouraged the brands she works with to be outspoken. “I don’t think it’s enough to just pause a marketing campaign because you’re afraid that you’re not going to get attention because there’s going to be so much attention on the election. I think it’s every brand’s responsibility to become part of that process and to speak up about what’s going on.” Of course, some companies have a more natural entry to do so than others: Tia, a women’s health startup and a JBC client, published an open letter to the future president about what women want for health care in America, based on the results of a September survey of 900 women. But even those that sell CBD drinks or cashmere sweaters will have to enter the fray eventually post-election. “Brands need to launch. People can’t stand still,” says Bett Meyer, adding that the holiday season is a crucial one for many of the startups and small brands with whom the agency works. “I think it always comes back to the messaging … it’s unbelievably important that brands are looking at their external messaging, whether that’s an email blast or a social media post or a sale, to make sure that it reflects the current landscape.” Their ability to read the room can make or break consumers’ trust, as we witnessed this summer with brands’ at-times-haphazard attempts to weigh in on the Black Lives Matter movement. While people called out companies for empty pronouncements and black-square Instagram posts that contradicted their internal policies and practices, not posting was also a statement in itself — one that even many apolitical companies wanted to avoid. “I can’t tell you how many brands were like, ‘We are not going to comment on Black Lives Matter.’ And then all of a sudden, they were like, ‘We need to comment on Black Lives Matter,’” says Carrie Kerpen, the co-founder and CEO of Likeable Media, a digital agency. With the election, she says, brands have to be prepared to shift their messaging and timing based on the outcome. “There’s no guidebook that says, ‘You wait five days, and then post.’ … The overused word of the century is ‘unprecedented,’ but it is. We don’t know. So you have to go with a little bit of gut.” What consumers see (and don’t see) in the coming weeks will also be determined by ad platforms themselves: Facebook has banned new political ads in the week before the election and for an indefinite period after polls close, while Google will implement a post-election political ad ban expected to last at least a week. The two tech giants — which together control nearly 70 percent of the digital ad market — are making a public show of cracking down on misinformation (though how effective this will be amid all the lies that go viral for free is debatable). In doing so, says Kerpen, Facebook has begun labeling nearly all ads that even remotely touch on “social good” as “political” — so brands won’t be able to create ads that tread near these subjects until after the platform lifts the ban. Advertising on virtually any channel is also more expensive around the election. Kantar, a consulting and research firm, estimates that political advertisers will spend $7 billion this election cycle, driving up costs and monopolizing prime spots on television, digital, and radio. On Facebook, ad prices were already surging before the election, with costs per 1,000 impressions (CPMs) up 23 percent between July and September, according to digital ad company Revealbot. On YouTube, Bloomberg reports, the deluge of pre-election political ads is outpacing the number of slots available in front of certain audiences, pricing out even some campaigns. For some brands, the October early holiday push comes back to the pandemic for another reason: They pulled back aggressively on their marketing spending in the spring, when mass unemployment and shuttered stores meant few consumers were shopping. According to Kantar, US media spending was down 19 percent in the first half of 2020 compared to the same period last year. Now that some sectors have stabilized, these companies have extra budget to spend — and with the looming threat of political upheaval, they’re under pressure to meet sales goals. Merklin says many of her clients are directing these dollars at email marketing and other channels targeting existing customers for the weeks around November 3. “So they’re still advertising during the election, but on more of a targeted or a personalized level because they can do that a little bit more safely than just throwing out an ad on Facebook and not knowing what it’s going to be next to and in what context it might be observed,” she says. Brands, they’re just like us: They have no idea what happens next. Will you help keep Vox free for all? The United States is in the middle of one of the most consequential presidential elections of our lifetimes. It’s essential that all Americans are able to access clear, concise information on what the outcome of the election could mean for their lives, and the lives of their families and communities. That is our mission at Vox. But our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources. Even when the economy and the news advertising market recovers, your support will be a critical part of sustaining our resource-intensive work. If you have already contributed, thank you. If you haven’t, please consider helping everyone understand this presidential election: Contribute today from as little as $3.