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La persona de D. Juan Carlos de Borbón y la institución monárquica

La persona de D. Juan Carlos de Borbón y la institución monárquica

La Constitución de 1978 reserva el calificativo español o española para el "pueblo", la "nación", el "Estado" y la "Constitución". Para ellos y nada más que para ellos. Numerus clausus. En el artículo 1, la Constitución toma tres decisiones: 

Con esta triple decisión la Constitución de 1978 se diferencia radicalmente de las Constituciones monárquicas del siglo XIX, en las que no era España, sino la Monarquía el sujeto constituyente, que, en consecuencia, no era definida ni como constitucional ni como parlamentaria, sino simplemente como "española". Constitución Política de la Monarquía Española. Este era el título de la Constitución desde la de Cádiz de 1812. No se constitucionalizaba España, sino la Monarquía. 

Lo que fue posible antes de 1931, ya no ha podido serlo después. Después de la primera experiencia democrática, la soberanía nacional residenciada en el pueblo español no puede no ser el fundamento del Estado y la Constitución. La Monarquía forma parte del Estado español y La Corona es un órgano de la Constitución española, pero la Monarquía no puede ser el fundamento ni del Estado ni de la Constitución.

Entre la Primera Restauración de la Monarquía con la Constitución de 1876 y la Segunda Restauración con la Constitución de 1978 hay una línea divisoria que es la democracia. La Primera es una Restauración de la Monarquía Española de la Constitución "moderada" de 1845. La Segunda es una Restauración de la Monarquía que tiene que recurrir para legitimarse al principio de soberanía "popular", que había introducido en nuestra historia la Constitución republicana de 1931.   

La Primera fue una Restauración abierta, "sin complejos" que diría José María Aznar. La Segunda ha sido un Restauración encubierta, que ha tenido que disfrazarse de "Transición a la Democracia".

Pero ha sido una Restauración de la Monarquía. No ha sido una Restauración de la Monarquía "de siempre", por entendernos, sino de una Monarquía nueva "impuesta" por el General Franco contra la voluntad del legítimo heredero de la dinastía histórica, D. Juan de Borbón y calificada después por la Constitución como "parlamentaria" por primera vez en nuestra historia constitucional. 

De la "novedad" de la Monarquía que se restaura deja constancia la Constitución al identificar, con nombre y apellido, al Rey en el que se personifica la legitimidad dinástica a partir de este momento. En la Constitución de 1876 no hubo necesidad de identificar con nombre y apellido al Rey Alfonso XII. Se volvía a la Monarquía "de siempre". En la Constitución de 1978 se ha sentido la necesidad de decir expresamente que con D. Juan Carlos I de Borbón se inicia la legitimidad dinástica en la "Monarquía parlamentaria".

A partir de aquí se reproduce el orden tradicional de sucesión a La Corona en el derecho histórico español. Pero el punto de partida es distinto. D. Juan Carlos I de Borbón lo personifica.

De esta personificación del punto de partida de la legitimidad dinástica en la Monarquía "parlamentaria" deriva la dificultad, por no decir imposibilidad, de separar la persona, Juan Carlos de Borbón, de la institución, la Monarquía "parlamentaria", como se viene argumentando desde distintas posiciones desde que el Rey Felipe VI a través del Comunicado de la Casa Real hecho público en la tarde noche del mismo día en que el Presidente del Gobierno decretó el Estado de alarma para combatir la COVID-19, levantó sospechas sobre la conducta del Rey Juan Carlos I durante los años de su reinado, distanciándose de dicha conducta respecto del pasado, que dijo desconocer, y respecto del futuro, al anunciar que renuncia a la herencia (renunciará, debería haber dicho, ya que hasta la muerte de D. Juan Carlos no podrá hacerlo) que pudiera corresponderle del fruto de dicha conducta, "irregular" como mínimo y potencialmente constitutiva de delito muy probablemente. 

Hay que subrayar que el origen de las sospechas sobre la conducta de D. Juan Carlos de Borbón procede de la Casa Real, de un comunicado de su hijo el Rey Felipe VI. Parecen no haberlo tenido en cuenta los exministros y exembajadores y demás ex altos cargos que acaban de hacer público un Manifiesto sobre el Rey emérito. 

Es obvio que el ciudadano español Juan Carlos de Borbón tiene derecho a la presunción de inocencia que no ha sido destruida por ninguna decisión judicial firme. 

Pero el Rey Juan Carlos I de Borbón no es un ciudadano español más. Los demás ciudadanos no aparecemos con nombre y apellidos en la Constitución. Solamente él lo hace. En consecuencia, independientemente de que de su conducta "irregular" y probablemente "delictiva" en su condición de ciudadano entienda el Tribunal Supremo o no, es también obvio que las Cortes Generales tienen que examinar dicha conducta en su condición de Rey. 

La dimensión político-constitucional de la conducta del Rey "parlamentario" es la que la "singulariza" y la diferencia de la de todos los demás ciudadanos. La que la hace "única". En consecuencia, no es el poder judicial el que tiene que intervenir en primer lugar, como si D. Juan Carlos de Borbón fuera un ciudadano más,  sino las Cortes Generales, que es el único órgano constitucional representativo de manera directa del "pueblo español", titular de la "soberanía nacional". A la "singularidad" de la posición constitucional del Rey únicamente se puede responder desde la "singularidad" de la posición constitucional de las Cortes Generales.

La conducta de D. Juan Carlos I de Borbón, una vez levantadas las sospechas sobre la misma, no puede dejar de ser analizada por las Cortes Generales, que, además, son el único órgano constitucional que podría, en última instancia, adoptar la decisión de "eximir de responsabilidad" al Rey emérito. Las Cortes Generales podrían aprobar una "ley de indemnidad", que evitara que tuviera que responder penalmente por su conducta. La Constitución no lo prohíbe. 

Pero antes hay que poner las cartas boca arriba, informar al pueblo español y adoptar las medidas necesarias para asegurarnos de que no se pueda volver a repetir la situación.


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