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Líbano y el mito del sectarismo o la guerra

Líbano y el mito del sectarismo o la guerra

Dos semanas después de la explosión que ha devastado un tercio de Beirut, suenan con fuerza las voces que llaman a celebrar elecciones anticipadas en Líbano. Tanto por parte de la propia élite gobernante, que ha dimitido en pleno, como desde las potencias internacionales, que temen la caída del frágil y estratégico Estado libanés ¿Pero pueden unas elecciones atajar los problemas sistémicos de un estado que lleva el sectarismo en su ADN?

"La corrupción en Aduanas nos ha estallado literalmente en la cara", decía desde el puerto de Beirut Riad Kobaissi, periodista que lleva años investigando –y alertando– sobre la catástrofe que podía suponer la negligencia en la gestión del puerto. Una negligencia que tiene raíces en la corrupción ligada a la distribución sectaria del poder.

Desde un prisma de Estado nación convencional, resulta difícil comprender la frágil y perversa composición del Estado libanés, herencia de la época colonial francesa y con raíces históricas aún más profundas que remiten al período otomano. Lo que oficialmente se presenta como una república democrática parlamentaria encubre una distribución de poderes que parte de la idea de la representación sectaria como modo de 'contener la guerra', una idea que se consolidó tras la guerra civil que asoló el país entre 1975 y 1990.

Aunque esta distribución de poder se ha presentado como un modo de mantener la paz a través del equilibrio entre las distintas comunidades religiosas que componen el país –son 18, pero se trata mayoritariamente de preservar el equilibrio de poder entre la cristiana maronita, la musulmana sunita y la musulmana chiíta– la realidad nos muestra justo lo contrario.

"Cada representante de cada secta utiliza su cuota de poder para barrer hacia su casa, su barrio, sus negocios y sus intereses. No existe en este Gobierno nada que parta de la idea de colectividad, de gestionar un bien común, y así se alimenta un sectarismo feroz en el que cada uno remite a su secta y nadie espera que el Estado le garantice nada", asegura Kareem Chehayeb, periodista libanés, a elDiario.es.

En la misma línea se expresa Joey Ayoub, periodista libanés especializado en Oriente Próximo. "La reacción de los gobernantes justo después de la explosión habla por sí sola. Compareció antes [el presidente francés] Macron que [el presidente libanés] Aoun, como si la cosa no fuese con él, y cuando finalmente compareció, se limitó a decir que no tenía nada que ver con la explosión". El resto de autoridades han reaccionado de modo parecido: "Señalándose unos a otros, incluido Hezbollah, que niega saber nada de lo que ocurría en el puerto pese a que a nadie se le escapa el papel clave que desempeña el grupo en la gestión portuaria. Un tercio de la ciudad arrasada y nadie es responsable", señala.

En ese contexto de intereses sectarios se enmarca el colapso de una economía que lleva años en caída libre, cebándose en los más débiles, en especial en la población refugiada palestina y siria y en los trabajadores y trabajadoras más precarias, muchos de ellos inmigrantes en condiciones cercanas a la esclavitud.

Esta composición sectaria, y el modo en que el supuesto equilibrio de representaciones políticas, el clientelismo y el sectarismo se retroalimentan, han estado en el centro del cuestionamiento que desde hace años se expresa a través del descontento social por todo el país.

Desde movimientos como "You stink" ("apestáis") en 2016, donde el propio nombre remite a la crisis de basuras que se vivió en Beirut a la vez que alude a una clase política incapaz de gestionar desde el Estado un servicio tan básico como la recogida de basuras, hasta el estallido popular que se vivió en octubre de 2019, las protestas han metido el dedo en la llaga del sectarismo que corroe el país.

Llamamientos a la caída del régimen sectario, señalando abiertamente a sus responsables y a la revolución con eslóganes como "el pueblo demanda la caída del régimen", remiten también a los procesos revolucionarios que estallaron en Túnez, Egipto, Siria y el resto de la región en 2011. Protestas en su mayoría lideradas por los sectores más jóvenes, en una clara brecha entre una corrupción insostenible y el hartazgo de una generación que no conoció la guerra civil, aunque sí sus traumas y consecuencias (y que la clase política utiliza como espantajo para legitimarse).

Sin embargo, la demanda de una transformación de la propia naturaleza del Estado libanés es tan compleja como poco respaldada por los intereses que rodean al país. La propia clase política libanesa está lejos de reclamar, mucho menos de poder encarnar, una verdadera transformación que afecte al entramado de intereses de clanes que gobiernan el país como oligarquías y con criterios sectarios. Tampoco la "comunidad internacional" parece dispuesta a poner más que parches en un país del que se busca, como suele ocurrir con esta región, que salpique lo menos posible sus intereses.

"La corrupción es mayor que el Estado", declaraba el primer ministro Hassan Diab tras anunciar su dimisión el 9 de agosto. Ofrecía así un diagnóstico devastador a la vez que reducía la solución a la celebración de elecciones anticipadas. Potencias como Francia, EEUU, Rusia, Egipto o Emiratos Árabes Unidos (EAU) se han apresurado a intervenir en la misma línea, sumándose a esa llamada electoral y ofreciendo "ayuda a cambio de reformas".

"Si el Gobierno libanés se compromete a esas reformas, desbloqueará miles de millones de dólares en beneficio del pueblo libanés", decía en la misma línea la directora gerente del Fondo Monetario Internacional, ofreciendo de nuevo parches a problemas de raíces tan profundas como las de la propia distribución de poder e influencias en el país.

En este contexto, la brecha entre la clase política del país y la población no hace más que aumentar. A la desesperación que se vive en Líbano se suman las injerencias extranjeras, que parecen contar con la aceptación de unos representantes políticos incapaces de plantear soluciones por sí mismos. El último ejemplo, el anuncio de que Israel y Emiratos Árabes Unidos (EAU) entablarán a partir de ahora relaciones diplomáticas plenas, una alianza que supone un golpe tanto a Irán como a su brazo armado en el país, Hezbollah, y que el presidente Aoun ha descrito como "esperanzadora".

"Es obvio que los distintos regímenes árabes llevan años deseando normalizar relaciones con Israel", recalca Chehayeb. "Aunque muchos no se atreven a oficializarlo, en la política de hechos consumados hace tiempo que los gobiernos árabes abandonaron a los palestinos y asumieron la ocupación como un problema sólo simbólico, discursivo, que en la práctica no les importa".

Al preguntarle cómo se ha recibido en el país el acuerdo entre Israel, EEUU y EAU, el periodista responde: "Si el hartazgo con la clase política libanesa es ya insostenible, imagina cómo puede sentar a la población que nuestros líderes den la bienvenida a la normalización de un Estado que, no lo olvidemos, continúa siendo una potencia de ocupación, también en nuestro país".

Según Ayoub, "esta gente que dirige el país no puede concebir que el problema sean ellos. Desde su lógica, Líbano son ellos y de ellos depende que el país no caiga. Así suele expresarlo el presidente en sus entrevistas, presentándose a sí mismo como la alternativa al caos, "el sistema actual o la guerra". Piensan que la rabia remitirá y que la gente comprenderá, una vez más, que no hay alternativa, y se conformarán con pequeñas reformas cosméticas".

No parece que en esta ocasión la rabia vaya a remitir tan fácilmente. Como señala la escritora libanesa Lina Mounzer, la explosión ha derrumbado todo, incluido el mito de la resiliencia libanesa, esa capacidad para sobreponerse a todo con la que es habitual referirse al país. "Quizás la resiliencia ha sido siempre la mentira que nos han alimentado y que no dejamos de repetirnos para continuar funcionando bajo un Estado tan corrupto que no puede proporcionar ni unos mínimos servicios públicos o sociales".

Quizá esta vez, agotada la paciencia y superado el mito de la resiliencia, se supere también el chantaje sobre el que se ha mantenido Líbano durante décadas: "O la distribución sectaria, o la guerra".


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