Muere una mujer de 61 años en Cartagena que estaba en la UCI tras haber sido presuntamente agredida por su marido

Una mujer de 61 años ha muerto este miércoles en Cartagena (Murcia) tras estar ingresada en la UCI después de haber sido presuntamente agredida por su marido el pasado 22 de julio, el cual se encuentra en prisión provisional.
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Brace for a Blizzard of Disinformation
Last month, Donald Trump Jr. squinted grimly into a camera—his hair slicked, his voice hoarse—and issued a call to arms for MAGA nation.“The radical left are laying the groundwork to steal this election from my father,” he declared in a video posted to the Trump campaign’s Facebook page. “Their plan is to add millions of fraudulent ballots that can cancel your vote and overturn the election.” To defeat these scheming radicals, he warned, they’d need “every able-bodied man [and] woman” to join an organization called the Army for Trump: “We need you to help us watch them.”Like so much of Donald Trump’s presidency, the recruitment video straddled the line between menacing and self-parodic. Don Jr.’s claim was preposterous on its face (no, a massive voter-fraud conspiracy is not under way in America), and his militaristic rhetoric had the faintly silly quality of cosplay. But the “election-security operation” he was pitching is actually a key element of the Trump campaign’s closing strategy—and its capacity to wreak havoc next week could be significant.In the coming days, thousands of pro-Trump poll watchers are set to fan out across battleground states—smartphones in hand—and post themselves outside voting locations to hunt for evidence of fraud. This “army” has been coached on what to look for, and instructed to record anything that seems suspicious. The Trump campaign says these videos will be used in potential legal challenges; critics say their sole purpose is to intimidate voters. But in recent conversations with a range of unnerved Democrats and researchers, I was offered another scenario: If the president decides to contest the election’s results, his campaign could let loose a blizzard of misleading, decontextualized video clips as “proof” that the vote can’t be trusted.“The goal here is really not producing evidence that stands up for any length of time,” Laura Quinn, a progressive researcher monitoring election disinformation, told me. “They’re interested in sowing just enough doubt … to develop this narrative of fraud—not only so that he can contest the election, not only so that he can refuse to concede a loss, but also so that some portion of his supporters will remain embittered and be able to say the results were illegitimate.” (A spokesperson for the Trump campaign did not respond to a request for comment on this story.)[Read: The billion-dollar disinformation campaign to reelect the president]Partisan poll-watching has a long history in American politics—Trump did not invent it. But this is the first presidential election since 1982 in which the Republican National Committee is allowed to organize such activities without permission from a federal court. For nearly four decades, the party was restricted by a consent decree issued after a New Jersey election in which Republicans allegedly hired off-duty police officers to patrol minority neighborhoods wearing “National Ballot Security Task Force” armbands. The decree expired in 2018.This history, combined with the president’s support among militias and other extremist groups, has fueled fears that the Army for Trump could lead to confrontation and even violence at the polls. In September, a noisy crowd of Trump supporters was accused of intimidating voters and disrupting an early-voting location in Fairfax, Virginia. (The Virginia Republican Party responded to these complaints on Twitter: “Quick! Someone call the waaaambulance!”)But the poll watchers’ real influence may not be felt until they go home and start uploading their videos. Three Democratic strategists who are involved in post-election “scenario planning” told me that—barring a blowout on Election Night—Americans should expect a last-ditch disinformation blitz from Trump and his allies to create the impression of wide-scale cheating. (The Democrats requested anonymity to candidly describe strategy discussions.)“This Election Day poll-watching will be part of a whole campaign to dispute, delay, and bring into doubt the counts in various states,” one Democrat told me. “[Trump] has been setting up the rigged-election narrative for a while,” another told me, “and he needs tools to show that the votes that are rolling in are probably these rigged votes: So here’s the video evidence!”Some of the Democratic hand-wringing had a slightly panicked, paranoid quality, rooted in the trauma of 2016. “Will there be photos and videos purporting to be, for instance, Chinese intelligence agents stuffing ballot boxes?” one Democrat mused. “Probably, yes. And even if the quality of these videos is poor and the provenance is suspect, they will have at least some audience.”Of course, Trump could simply win or lose the race outright, without any of the drama that many are anticipating. But it’s not far-fetched to expect a spike in unsubstantiated voter-fraud claims around Election Day. Such rumors often gain traction in the final days of a presidential race—and Trump and his media allies have been especially invested in amplifying them this year.Nate Snyder, who served as a counterterrorism official at the Department of Homeland Security under Barack Obama, told me that if Trump contests the election results, things could quickly “converge into a perfect storm of disinformation.” In the already-overheated political environment, foreign adversaries could circulate conspiracy theories online, while domestic trolls and extremist groups amplify their own toxic messages. Chaos would be the goal—and Snyder says United States intelligence agencies are preparing for it.“But I’ll be pretty blunt about this,” he added. “We have a unique situation now where we have to worry about what we’d call, in security terms, an ‘insider threat.’ You have a president who is focused on pushing out whatever kind of information, from whatever sources, to help his narrative.” It might not just be Russian trolls and “boogaloo boys” trying to “sow discord,” he said—the president himself may be part of that effort.[Read: The election that could break America]There are reasons to doubt the sophistication of Trump’s operation. His campaign has hemorrhaged money this year, and suffered several high-profile logistical failures. (Remember Tulsa?) A recent perusal of the #ArmyforTrump hashtag on Twitter revealed that it had been temporarily hijacked by K-pop fans. And my own efforts, earlier this fall, to enlist in the campaign’s poll-watching efforts in Virginia were unsuccessful. After an initial phone call asking if I was willing to travel to another state (I said I was), I never heard back. It’s possible that someone spotted my name on the list and screened me out because I’m a reporter. But it seems just as likely that my application was lost in the shuffle of a disorganized campaign office.Some Democrats, meanwhile, are skeptical that collecting and amplifying video “evidence” of voter fraud will actually benefit the president. “Nothing has done more to bolster people’s faith in voting early and in person than videos of people perfectly happy to wait in line to vote Trump out of office,” Adam Green, the co-founder of the Progressive Change Campaign Committee, told me. Prioritizing conspiracy theories over conventional get-out-the-vote efforts, he added, “would be consistent with every other incompetent Trump strategy.”Still, if the Trump era has taught us anything, it’s that a well-oiled political machine isn’t necessary to cause chaos. As I’ve written before, the most effective modern disinformation is defined by what scholars call “censorship through noise”—drowning out the truth with a barrage of lies, distortions, and conspiracy theories designed to confuse and exhaust.“Bad actors aim to break down trust because it makes us insecure,” Jiore Craig, a researcher who advises Democratic campaigns on disinformation, told me. “When we’re insecure, we’re defensive, and when we’re defensive for a long time, we get tired—and when we’re tired, we’re easy to control.” She told me that her recent research suggests a level of fatigue in the electorate right now that could easily curdle into apathy, making it difficult to sort out truth from lies if the election becomes a long, complicated, drawn-out affair.“The danger,” Craig said, “is that you just go with the loudest voice in the room to put it to an end.”
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Photo Illustration by The Daily Beast/Scouted/GetawayI’ve been thinking about all the annoying inconveniences I’ve experienced on vacation and I’ve found one common denominator: the hotel. Things like getting stuck in a room next to an elevator, or in a smoking room instead of a non are just the tip of the iceberg when it comes to issues with hotel stays. And so, all I can say is, when Getaway approached me about testing out one of their cabins for a weekend, I was ready for anything.If you don’t know, Getaway is a cabin rental company, with outposts just outside of eleven major cities. Each one is placed in nature, and evokes a bucolic, rustic charm. The cabins themselves are small (think Tiny House size), but have giant picture windows, a full bed, a kitchenette, AC and heat, a bathroom, a shower (!), and an outside area with a picnic table, Adirondack chairs, and a fire pit.While I was expecting to need to prepare everything, I instead found myself focusing on enjoying the trip, including the lead up to it. Getaway not only stocks the kitchens with cookware, silverware, and more, but they also offer a mini-store of sorts. From it, you can purchase firewood, soup, or anything you might forget and don’t worry, it’s actually reasonably priced. (For example, the firewood was $6.50 and I spent time going around town trying to find firewood for cheaper, and could not). They gifted one bag of s’mores to us, but we came prepared on that front. They also sent us a list of recommendations as a concierge might, that were actually good. From breweries to hikes, they planned an excellent vacation for us that went off without a hitch.Read more at The Daily Beast.
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The Democracy Activists Who Love Trump
To speak to Wan Chin, the host of a YouTube politics show, is to hear echoes of American conservative radio: An “invasion” of immigrants is crossing the border, filling public housing and sapping up limited government resources, he told me; the coronavirus is a “Frankenstein” superbug weaponized in a Chinese lab; and President Donald Trump’s “Rambo way” of leadership has finally called out China for its hostilities. When Trump was diagnosed with COVID-19, Chin took to Facebook to wish him “a speedy recovery from the mild flu,” parroting the president’s own downplaying of the virus’s severity.Chin isn’t an American shock jock, though. In fact, he doesn’t even live in the United States. He is, instead, an early and prominent advocate of Hong Kong’s prodemocracy movement: His 2011 book, On the Hong Kong City-State, was a formative text for the localist movement, which seeks to promote and protect Hong Kong’s identity and way of life, separate from that of mainland China. Chin, a former professor, peppered his opinions with historical references to ancient Chinese dynasties and arcane tidbits from folk tales. The walls of his office are lined with Chinese and Buddhist shrines, ornately carved out of dark wood. As he spoke, a woman entered and lit a small bunch of incense, the fragrant smoke twisting upward toward a red “Make Hong Kong Great Again” T-shirt hanging near the door.Chin is also an unapologetic cheerleader for Trump, whom he calls a “hero,” and he is far from alone. This city lies at the forefront of the global fight for democracy, a place where protesters have for more than a year stood against Beijing’s attack on Hong Kong’s autonomy, free press, and liberal institutions. Yet support for the president—whose own assault on democratic norms, gushing over the Tiananmen Square massacre, on-again, off-again praise of Chinese President Xi Jinping, initial lukewarm support of Hong Kong’s protest movement, and self-admitted slow-rolling of sanctions over Xinjiang’s mass-detention camps in favor of a trade deal—remains stronger in some quarters than for his Democratic rival, Joe Biden.These feelings are not unique to Hong Kong. Though reviled in much of Europe for his rhetoric about migrants, his questioning of NATO, and his friendliness toward Russian President Vladimir Putin, Trump has earned credit in parts of Asia for his hawkishness toward Beijing, which supporters argue has not just shifted Washington’s own position, but has also emboldened other countries around the world.In Vietnam, where anti-Chinese sentiment is rife, a vocal pro-Trump faction cheered his first, chaotic debate performance on social media. Republicans’ stauch anti-Communist postions have long found an accepting audience among Vietnamese Americans. Elsewhere in Southeast Asia, Trump has seen support in the Philippines—a country that has a Trump-like leader (albeit one who has openly courted China)—as have members of that country’s diaspora in America. Indeed, Vietnam and the Philippines, both countries that have seen a more hostile position from Beijing in the South China Sea, are two of a small number of countries whose people were positive on Trump and his policies, according to polling conducted by the Pew Research Center in 2017. Deeper ties with Taiwan, including a flurry of weapons sales, as well as a distrust of Biden, have also bolstered Trump’s standing in Taiwan, making him the favorite there. There are even a number of Chinese liberal intellectuals who openly support the president, with “absolute, heartfelt admiration, adoration, and idolization,” Yao Lin, a student at Yale Law School, wrote in a May paper exploring the topic. Many of them have undergone “a Trumpian metamorphosis,” he wrote, noting that the phenomenon is “curious because it defies the conventional (and convenient) narrative in which China’s pro-reform, pro-liberal-democracy, pro-universal-values intellectuals fight relentlessly against injustice, authoritarianism and narrow-minded nationalism.”[Read: How ‘America first’ became America alone]In Hong Kong, it is unclear just how widespread support of Trump is. Polling conducted for Newsweek in July by Redfield & Wilton Strategies of 1,000 Hong Kongers found that respondents narrowly favored Trump to win the 2020 election, by a margin of 36 percent to 33 percent for Biden. A YouGov poll this month, however, found Biden having a slight edge over Trump. Chin and his viewers are in many ways emblematic of the city’s Trump-supporting bloc. Though he has never reached the international recognition obtained by activists like Joshua Wong, Chin retains a considerable following of devoted adherents and a sizable online presence. Following Trump’s election in 2016, Chin published The Trump Strategy, a book that analyzed the president’s dealings with China. Last year, when enormous protests erupted in Hong Kong, Chin urged his supporters to carry Trump flags and wear Trump gear to protests as punitive legislation targeting Hong Kong was making its way through Washington, playing to the president’s oversize ego and hoping to “catch his eye.” Chin told me he was drawn to Trump’s rhetoric on the economic risk China poses to the world, and used Hong Kong as an example of what he saw as state capture accomplished through Chinese state-owned enterprises—snatching up newspapers and swathes of real estate since the city returned to Chinese rule in 1997—as the type of threat Trump was sounding the alarm against.Dozens heeded the call, creating scenes that looked akin to Trump rallies in the U.S.: American flags flapping in the hot Hong Kong breeze held aloft by local protesters in MAGA hats, the “Star-Spangled Banner” sometimes blaring from portable speakers in the background. Support from both Democrats and Republicans in Washington was strong, but some of the GOP’s loudest voices trumpeted the images as proof that America’s position in the world as a beacon of democracy remained unscathed. Visits by Republican Senators Ted Cruz and Josh Hawley during protests last year helped to further bolster the belief among some demonstrators that Republicans were decidedly more pro–Hong Kong than their Democrat counterparts, despite the fact that there was strong bipartisan support for the city in Washington. The scenes infuriated Hong Kong’s pro-Beijing faction, adding fuel to the unfounded conspiracy that the protesters were receiving clandestine aid from abroad.A protester shows a poster of U.S. President Donald Trump during a protest in Hong Kong in September 2019. (Kin Cheung / AP)Much of the support for Trump here has its genesis in the belief that during Barack Obama’s administration, warnings from Hong Kong about China’s growing reach went mostly unheeded in Washington. Some see this trend extending further back, citing Bill Clinton’s efforts to bring the country into the World Trade Organization and the policies of other Democratic presidents before him (even though it was Richard Nixon, a Republican, who first established ties with the Communist government in Beijing). Starting in the mid-2000s, Alan Leong, chairman of the Civic Party, Hong Kong’s second-largest prodemocracy grouping, began traveling to Washington and European capitals, carrying a message of alarm arguing, he told me, “If you continue to turn a blind eye to what … China had been doing, then very soon you would end up facing a reality of having nurtured a monster that you couldn’t control and you would be absolutely at the monster’s mercy.” In many places, including Washington, Leong said, he found an audience that was largely uninterested in what he had to say.Leong and others cite the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act, introduced in 2014 by a bipartisan group of legislators including Republican Senator Marco Rubio, but not passed until last year, as proof of Trump’s commitment to Hong Kong. But Trump was originally noncommittal on the bill and said he might veto it, before eventually signing it. The act passed almost unanimously in Congress, one of the few pieces of legislation with clear bipartisan support amid bitter divisions on Capitol Hill last year. “My experience is that Hong Kong is even more partisan when it comes to U.S. politics than Washington is when it comes to dealing with Hong Kong,” Jeffrey Ngo, a prominent Hong Kong activist and doctoral student at Georgetown University, told me. Washington also imposed sanctions on Carrie Lam, Hong Kong’s chief executive, and 10 other officials in August, to celebratory glee from many in the city. More Hong Kong sanctions are being considered, a congressional Democratic aide told me recently, speaking on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak to the media. There are also a number of pieces of pending legislation aimed at aiding people fleeing Hong Kong for the U.S., which have support from both Republicans and Democrats.[Read: The world is trapped in America’s culture war]While Trump supporters see him as the driving force behind the change in U.S. policy toward Hong Kong, this ignores, experts told me, the reality of Beijing’s tightening hold on the city, which forced recalculations for Washington. Last year’s protests made the situation “radically different” than when Obama was in office, Elizabeth Economy, a senior fellow for China studies at the Council on Foreign Relations, told me. U.S. policy toward China more broadly had two sides, she said: One focused on the issues Trump cared about, namely trade, while the other included “everything else,” such as human rights and broader Indo-Pacific strategy, which is handled by Congress and foreign-policy professionals. “The administration and Congress have been tough on China,” Economy said, “but it is because of the leadership vacuum that the president has created, not because he is a strong leader with a strategic vision for the U.S.-China relationship or the U.S. in the Asia Pacific.” Indeed, recent reporting by The Wall Street Journal found that Trump was, until recently, often holding back a harder line on China.Trump’s detractors here argue that the president cares little about Hong Kong, that the United States sees it as nothing more than a geopolitical football to be punted between Washington and Beijing, and that, ultimately, the U.S. would not help the cause of the prodemocracy movement. As Black Lives Matter protests grew in the U.S. after the killing of George Floyd, many of the Republicans who were most vocal in their support of Hong Kong were loudest in their condemnations, drawing charges of hypocrisy. Discussing the White House’s handling of Hong Kong–related legislation, Trump’s nonreassuring responses when asked about the city, as well as revelations by former National Security Adviser John Bolton over Trump’s views on the protests, confirmed some of these fears.This nuance seems to matter little. An opinion piece in Apple Daily, a prodemocracy newspaper, declared last month following the first presidential debate that “a vote for Trump is not only for the Americans’ own interests, but it is also one that is for the survival of the free world.” Writing in the same paper days later, Lee Yee, a veteran columnist and political commentator, decried the Democrats dating back to Harry S. Truman for continuously bending to China’s will, complaining that there is a “leftist ideology permeated in Western academia and journalism.” The paper’s founder, Jimmy Lai, who was arrested in August under suspicion of violating a broad new national-security law imposed on Hong Kong by Beijing, is an outspoken Trump supporter. “He plays hardball and he is a man of his word, and he is really powerful in the way he deals with dictators,” Lai told the Hong Kong Free Press. (Trump himself admitted to having an affinity for dictators and autocratic leaders in an interview with the journalist Bob Woodward.) Recently, Lai has focused on alleged transgressions by Biden’s son, Hunter, whose business dealings when his father was vice president have become the target of attacks in the final days before the election. In a bizarre incident, an Apple Daily official reportedly helped to finance a dossier on Hunter, which was peddled by a fictitious analyst. “The way mainstream media covers up [the] Hunter Biden scandal epitomizes what America will become, if Biden wins—a shield of hypocrisy, a country out of touch with reality,” he posted on Twitter.This support for Trump is mirrored in parts of the prodemocracy movement by a deep distrust of Biden due in large part to his time serving under Obama. Many here believe that Biden “could well sell out Hong Kong,” Victoria Tin-bor Hui, an associate professor of political science at the University of Notre Dame, told me.[Read: The world order that Donald Trump revealed]In his wildly popular videos, Stormtrooper, a pseudonymous YouTuber who has amassed a subscriber base of more than 140,000 people and racked up 14 million views, champions Trump as a savior for Hong Kong and disparages Biden, sometimes drifting into conspiratorial fringes of claims against the former vice president and his son. Much of the U.S. media favored Biden, he told me, adding that his own diet of news came from outlets such as The Epoch Times, a newspaper aligned with the Falun Gong spiritual movement, which has expanded aggressively in recent years and faced allegations of spreading right-wing misinformation.Sitting at a table covered with recording equipment in a studio whose walls were plastered with fan art, protest posters, and Star Wars memorabilia, Stormtrooper told me he was unconcerned with Trump’s other comments and actions outside his tough talk on China and moves against the Hong Kong government. Underpinning his argument was a belief that American democracy provided sufficient guardrails to protect against Trump’s excesses. Compared to China’s leadership, he argued, nothing Trump could do or say would be nearly as bad.The president’s attacks on the media had not resulted in any real harm, he said, plus, “in China the press will be locked up or even worse.” Trump’s racism was the same as Biden’s, he continued, citing Biden’s comments in May that people “ain’t Black” if they vote for Trump. The president was still standing after the investigation into his connections to Russia, proof that he had done nothing illegal. Trump’s only wrongdoing was paying very little in taxes, but even that was “normal,” Stormtrooper said—“in Hong Kong, no rich people pay tax.” A few days after we spoke, nearly 7,000 people tuned in to his YouTube channel for live translation into Cantonese of the second presidential debate.Chin, the political commentator, said Trump had created irreversible momentum against China, but he nevertheless acknowledged the president’s contradictions. He is “a good leader, but not a democratic leader,” he told me. During his time in office, Trump had been “violating a lot of good practice of democracy,” he added, but, in exchange for taking on China, this was a “necessary evil.”
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Massive Florida mail pile-up believed to include ballots
A Post Office in Florida’s largest county is inundated with a mail backlog, which could reportedly contain ballots. The Minority Leader of the Florida House of Representatives, Kionne Mcghee, posted undated footage to his Twitter account on Friday that allegedly showed USPS Inspection Service officials arriving at a Florida Post Office location in Miami-Dade County...
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2020 Election Live Updates: In Campaign’s Final Weekend, Both Candidates Focus on Pennsylvania
President Trump plans four stops in Pennsylvania on Saturday, and Joe Biden will give a speech in Philadelphia on Sunday. Medical professionals pushed back against Mr. Trump’s unfounded claim that American doctors profiteer from coronavirus deaths.
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Live updates: Trump, Biden campaign in Midwest ahead of Election Day
With just days remaining until Election Day, both President Trump and Democratic nominee Joe Biden crisscrossed Midwestern states Friday, hoping to pick up last-minute votes. 
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