Herramientas
Change country:

Salut farà cribratges massius en tres barris de Reus per detectar asimptomàtics

És la primera població del Camp de Tarragona on es fan proves PCR voluntàries de forma massiva


Carga más
Leer artículo completo sobre: ccma.cat
China Media Turns Fire on Jacinda Ardern's New Zealand Over Australia Feud
Communist Party newspaper "Global Times" accused Ardern's government of "double standards" following her public backing of Australia and Prime Minister Scott Morrison on Monday.
9 m
newsweek.com
'Fortnite' Chapter 2 Season 5 Battle Pass Skins to Tier 100: Mandalorian, Lexa and More
"Fortnite" Chapter 2 Season 5 has just gone live, and we've got a preview of the latest Battle Pass. Here are all the new skins through tier 100.
newsweek.com
Trump teases 2024 run at White House Christmas party
President Trump hinted during a holiday reception Tuesday evening at the White House of running for office again in 2024 – as he continues to allege widespread voter fraud in this year’s election. “It’s been an amazing four years,” the president told the crowd, which included many Republican National Committee members. “We’re trying to do...
nypost.com
Watch a Top Georgia Election Official Get Emotional Calling Out Trump’s Election Incitement
Gabriel Sterling is a Republican and Georgia’s voting system implementation manager.
slate.com
5 things to know for December 2: Covid-19, pardon probe, economy, China, Brazil
Here's what else you need to know to Get Up to Speed and On with Your Day.
edition.cnn.com
Mitch McConnell's Revised Stimulus Proposal Still Not Enough, Economists Say
Proposals for a new round of stimulus checks have been delayed for months, held up by political deadlock in Congress and the election, and experts are skeptical about the noises being made by top decision-makers.
newsweek.com
Bitcoin: An Overnight Success a Decade in the Making | Opinion
In the current craze, which is at least the fourth I've lived through, it's important to remember that the best way to make money is slowly.
newsweek.com
Minority Rule Cannot Last in America
RALPH MORSE / PIX INC. / THE LIFE IMAGES COLLECTION / GETTYMinority rule is fast becoming the defining feature of the American republic. In 2000 and 2016, presidential candidates who received fewer votes than their opponents were nevertheless sent to the White House. Joe Biden’s 2020 victory came not because he won nearly 7 million more votes nationally than President Donald Trump, but rather because he won about 200,000 votes more in a handful of swing states. Congress has seen a similar dynamic: Though Republican senators make up the majority in the chamber, they represent more than 20 million fewer Americans than Democratic senators do. Such lopsided electoral calculus seems to fly in the face of both parties’ principles. It cannot last.Though this period of minority rule is new since World War II, it is far from unprecedented. Unequal legislative apportionment has been a recurring quality of American government since its establishment. Parties who have found themselves in power by institutional oddities rather than overall weight of vote have refused to reach across the aisle, instead using their institutional advantage to further consolidate their hold on power. Although such tactics have been successful in the short term, they have ultimately been only temporary expedients. When the minority parties were finally removed from power, the backlash against them was swift and strong.[Read: How the minority wins]Begin at the nation’s founding. At the time when American colonists started actively considering independence from Britain, Pennsylvania’s legislature no longer proportionally represented its population. The Pennsylvania Assembly had proved efficient and professional throughout the 18th century, defending the interests of the colonial population against British imperial officials, but as the colony’s population expanded westward, eastern elites refused to extend representation to the predominantly Scotch-Irish and German immigrants living in the new settlements. Additionally, while Philadelphia had grown to become the most populous city in North America, political leaders from the surrounding counties refused to increase the city’s number of representatives. By the early 1770s, the state’s most radical voices in favor of revolution—Philadelphians and westerners—were systematically underrepresented in the legislature.In the short term, the denial of proportional representation worked: Pennsylvania’s government, designed to amplify moderate and conservative voices, was notoriously slow to endorse resistance to Britain, and in 1776 refused to allow its delegates in the Continental Congress to vote for independence. By this point, though, Pennsylvania’s radicals had taken matters into their own hands. Drawing on protest movements that had gathered pace in 1774 and 1775, they organized a series of conventions giving greater voice to the marginalized. When, in May 1776, the Continental Congress called on states to form their own governments, Pennsylvanians bypassed the colonial assembly entirely, and used the convention and committee movements to send pro-independence delegates to Congress and to write their own state constitution.In September 1776, Pennsylvania’s radicals took their revenge. Each county was given more or less equal representation in the first legislature. This measure was about as biased toward the western counties as the previous arrangements had been toward eastern ones. But having been shut out of power for so long, the radicals were keen to ensure they held the reins. Pennsylvania’s first constitution, by a long shot the most radically democratic of all the original 13 states’, was bitterly contested for the next decade. Conservative opponents tried, and failed, to revise the state constitution four times from 1776 until 1783. Though they finally succeeded in writing a new constitution in 1790, it came at the cost of 14 years of unstable and rancorous government.Just decades later, in the antebellum period, similar dynamics played out once again. Slaveholding states sought to use constitutional arrangements to maintain minority power. The Missouri Compromise of 1820, which admitted slaveholding Missouri to the union at the same time as free Maine, maintained balance in the Senate between free and slave states. Southern politicians considered this balance vital, as it gave a de facto veto to slaveholding states. But demographic change over the ensuing decades quickly meant that northerners outnumbered southerners. Yet only in the aftermath of the notorious Compromise of 1850, and the admission of California as a free state, did the balance between free and slave states snap—at a time when the population of free states was 13.4 million, well exceeding the 9.7 million inhabitants of slave states (of whom 3.2 million were enslaved and couldn’t vote). In the decade that followed, the South attempted to re-create its minority veto, with disastrous results.The politics of the 1850s became consumed with the question of slavery. Southern slaveowners insisted on a new Fugitive Slave Act in 1850, which compelled northern authorities and other residents to actively participate in arresting and returning fugitive slaves to their enslavers. Northerners responded furiously, adopting antislavery politics in greater numbers. Southerners, fearful of the growing strength of the abolitionist movement and the specter of a permanent electoral minority, demanded more slaveholding territory as the nation expanded westward—many called for slavery to be legal in all federal territories, and advocated foreign war to annex new slaveholding territory, such as Cuba.In 1854, Senator Stephen Douglas of Illinois attempted to broker a compromise between North and South with his Kansas-Nebraska Act. Allowing residents of the Kansas and Nebraska territories to vote on whether to allow slavery within their borders, the act was seen in the North as a naked attempt to extend slavery beyond the Missouri Compromise line and give greater weight to slaveholders in the Senate. Voters in the North turned out in force, leading to the creation of the Republican Party and, ultimately, the election of Abraham Lincoln as president. The South’s attempts to continually impose minority rule on the North failed, leading to secession, the Civil War, and the greatest number of military casualties for a single war in American history.[Clint Smith: In 1864, like in 2020, America just got lucky]Population shifts contributed to a third episode of minority rule in the early 20th century. Rapid industrialization in the years after the Civil War saw the growth of megacities that fundamentally transformed the demographics of several states. In Illinois, Chicago’s population grew from 112,000 in 1860—6 percent of total state residents—to 2.7 million in 1920, or 40 percent of total state residents. According to the state’s constitution, the state legislature should have reapportioned following each decennial census; from 1900 onwards, downstate leaders refused to do so, leaving Chicago heavily underrepresented and overtaxed.In the 1920s, the repeated refusal of the downstate minority to reapportion the legislature was met with increasing frustration from Chicago representatives. Throughout the decade, the city council passed angry resolutions condemning the malapportionment. In 1925, with more and more time at council meetings devoted to the topic, the council passed a resolution calling for the city to secede from Illinois, and to form the State of Chicago.Downstate defenders of the status quo continued to dig their heels in, even forming organizations such as the League for the Defense of Downstate Voters. Only in 1955 did the Illinois legislature finally bow to the inevitable, redistricting for the first time since 1901. Even then, downstate leaders struck a deal to maintain control in the state Senate, until Supreme Court rulings in Baker v. Carr (1962) and Reynolds v. Sims (1964) decreed that state legislative-district populations be “of roughly equal size.” Ever since, Chicago and Cook County politicians have dominated Illinois elections.What, then, of the prospects of minority rule at the federal level in the coming years? The coming years seem likely to see Republicans attempt to strengthen their grip on power despite their weakness at the ballot box. With the appointment of Amy Coney Barrett to the Supreme Court, conservatives have a 6–3 majority on the bench, and important rulings loom on issues such as health care, abortion rights, and gay marriage. Policies supported by a majority of Americans in opinion polls could be ruled unconstitutional, all because a president who lost the popular vote nominated three justices, and senators representing a minority of the American population confirmed them. With President-elect Biden likely facing a divided Congress, Democrats have no institutional means of turning electoral support into legislative action, to say nothing of fixing underlying representation issues.But Republicans may not be able to sustain their power for long—at least not peacefully. As the cases above show, when parties commit themselves to minority rule, the backlash can be severe. While the letter of the law allows Republicans to control the Senate and the judiciary, the spirit of republican government demands otherwise. The two cannot long exist in tension with each other. Though the 2020 election did not result in a blue tidal wave, it did suggest emerging Democratic majorities in formerly red states such as Arizona and Georgia. If, eventually, demographic change adds North Carolina and Texas to the mix, national elections would more accurately reflect the national popular vote. History suggests that Republicans would then pay—dearly—for their years of minority rule. If Republicans hope for greater success than their historical counterparts, they would do well to heed the message that a party cannot maintain power forever, and embark on a more genuinely collaborative and bipartisan approach to government. Short of that, they risk much more than their political careers.
theatlantic.com
Argentine authorities raid the home and office of Maradona's psychiatrist
Argentine authorities raided the home and office of Diego Maradona's psychiatrist Agustina Cosachov on Tuesday, the San Isidro Attorney General's Office told CNNE.
edition.cnn.com
Argentine authorities raid the home and office of Diego Maradona's psychiatrist
Argentine authorities raided the home and office of Diego Maradona's psychiatrist Agustina Cosachov on Tuesday, the San Isidro Attorney General's Office told CNNE.
edition.cnn.com
Authorities raid the home and office of Maradona's psychiatrist
Argentine authorities raided the home and office of Diego Maradona's psychiatrist Agustina Cosachov on Tuesday, the San Isidro Attorney General's Office told CNNE.
edition.cnn.com
Power Up: Ivanka Trump is leaving the White House. She may not leave politics.
But any whiff of legal trouble could stand as a roadblock to a potential political future.
washingtonpost.com
Trump Vows To Veto Defense Bill Unless Shield For Big Tech Is Scrapped
The president wants Congress to repeal Section 230 of the 1996 Communications Decency Act, a provision that provides legal protection for tech companies.
npr.org
A Possible Vaccine Timeline
And what else you need to know today.
nytimes.com
COVID Vaccines Are Being Targeted by Organized Crime Networks, Interpol Global Alert Warns
About 1,700 online pharmacies suspected of selling illicit medicines and medical devices contained cyber threats, according to analysis by the international crime-fighting organisation.
newsweek.com
'The Talk': Eve and Marie Osmond's Replacements Announced
"The Talk" lost two of its co-hosts this year, so will start 2021 with new faces replacing Marie Osmond and Eve on the daytime CBS talk show.
newsweek.com
AP Top Stories December 2
Here's the latest for Wednesday December 2nd: Britain gives permission for first COVID-19 vaccine use; Senators search for coronavirus relief deal; Justice Dept. investigates alleged pardon scheme; Chinese space craft on moon collecting rocks.        
usatoday.com
MAGA-ite in Manhattan?: Ivanka Trump’s political ambitions seek new home after the White House
Friends and former associates say they expect the first daughter to think about running for office, or at least get involved in some way in Republican politics.
washingtonpost.com
California Democrats urged people to stay home — and then did the opposite at restaurants and holiday parties
At least four high-profile California Democrats are in hot water for failing to abide by their own public health recommendations.
washingtonpost.com
NFL on Wednesday? Ravens-Steelers game provides a midweek rarity
For just the second time since 1949, the NFL will play a game on a Wednesday as the undefeated Steelers will host the rival Ravens.        
usatoday.com
China Is 'Wiping Out a Whole Generation of Hong Kongers,' Rights Group Warns, After Activists Jailed for Protests
Three pro-democracy leaders were imprisoned for between 7 and 13.5 months on Wednesday for their role in anti-government protests.
newsweek.com
UNHCR on Ethiopia: 'I have never seen so much separation'
Filippo Grandi, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, gives Becky Anderson an update on the seriousness of the situation in Ethiopia, but says he doesn't think Ethiopian authorities are deliberately blocking access for people to flee.
edition.cnn.com
Op-Ed: L.A. County's legal self-help services are used by 150,000 a year. Yet the program may be cut
Self-Help Legal Access Centers have helped more than 1.5 million people navigate civil court in L.A. County. But revenue is declining due to COVID-19.
latimes.com
Biden’s Cabinet Picks, Part 2: Antony Blinken
What approach will the president-elect’s choice of secretary of state take to foreign policy after an era of isolationism?
nytimes.com
Mark Kelly to be sworn in as US senator, flipping Arizona seat from red to blue
Democrats will pick up a Senate seat on Wednesday when former astronaut Mark Kelly is sworn in as a US senator for Arizona after defeating Republican Sen. Martha McSally last month.
edition.cnn.com
Mega Millions Results, Numbers for 12/1/20: Did Anyone Win the $229 Million?
More than 590,000 players won prizes in the Mega Millions lottery draw on Tuesday, with prizes starting from $2.
newsweek.com
POLITICO Playbook: December, man.
And the U.K. authorizes the Pfizer/BioNTech vaccine.
politico.com
Letters to the Editor: Arrest the ICE agents accused of assaulting African asylum seekers
The stories told by African asylum seekers who came to the U.S. are horrifying. We must purge the racist sadists from immigration law enforcement.
latimes.com
Editorial: Getting homeless people off the street doesn't mean forcing them into shelter they don't want
Sheltering homeless people is challenging. Forcing people to take a shelter bed they don't want isn't the way to go.
latimes.com
Letters to the Editor: The media can weaken Trumpism by ignoring Donald Trump
While President Trump may be leaving, Trumpism won't go away as easily. This is what readers say is needed to get rid of it.
latimes.com
Letters to the Editor: A doctor's answer to people who fear COVID-19 vaccination
The drug companies developing and testing COVID vaccines have gone to great lengths to recruit diverse sets of trial volunteers.
latimes.com
Here’s the problem Biden faces if he picks current lawmakers for his Cabinet.
Let's count the ways to lose control of a House or Senate seat.
washingtonpost.com
Planning to move? You still might benefit from refinancing your home.
REAL ESTATE MATTERS | Talk to four or five different lenders: online, a local bank, a local mortgage broker and a credit union, to start. Ask what each lender’s charges will be so you can compare costs on an apples-to-apples basis.
washingtonpost.com
Stephen Moore: Biden, progressives, there's bad news -- 2020 election shows US still conservative. Here's why
In 2020 that promised big blue wave of Democratic victories across the country turned instead into a red tidal wave from coast to coast.
foxnews.com
Column: Why Biden should hope that Trump pardons himself on the way out the door
A self-pardon would outrage Democrats, but it would be good for the new president.
latimes.com
The cold rush: Pfizer’s covid vaccine jump-starts race for special freezers
Desmon, a family-run firm in Italy, is ramping up production to meet demand for highly specialized freezers needed to transport and store the Pfizer/BioNTech vaccine at extremely cold temperatures.
washingtonpost.com
Letters to the Editor: Slain Iranian nuclear scientist was no J. Robert Oppenheimer
Mohsen Fakhrizadeh-Mahabadi worked for a regime that repeatedly expressed its hostility toward Israel.
latimes.com
Ron Rivera could have spent big in free agency. Instead Washington’s bargains have paid off.
In his first free agency period with Washington, Ron Rivera showed restraint. The team might be better for it.
washingtonpost.com
Editorial: After COVID-19 ends, will Californians go thirsty?
The pandemic has underscored California's need to get basic water supplies to residents who can't afford it.
latimes.com
Biden Shouldn't Rush to Work With Rouhani on Reviving the Nuclear Deal | Opinion
A new Iranian president may also be better positioned in the system to negotiate more expansively than Rouhani. Washington shouldn't be rushing to recreate a reality from 2015 that doesn't exist anymore.
newsweek.com
The culture is ailing. It’s time for a Dr. Fauci for the arts.
Why Joe Biden’s Cabinet should include a secretary of arts and culture if we want to call ourselves a civilized nation.
washingtonpost.com
Why Trump Might Just Fade Away
President Donald Trump has made one thing painfully clear: After he grudgingly leaves the White House, he will keep doing what he can to stay in the news. He will tweet insults and conspiracy theories. He may start his own television channel. And according to members of his inner circle, he may even run for president in 2024.After half a decade under his spell, many pundits and political observers assume that Trump will succeed in keeping the nation’s attention. I can see why. A sizable minority of Americans believe that the election was stolen and remain deeply devoted to the outgoing president. Even now that Trump’s loss has liberated the GOP from its captor, elected Republicans seem to be suffering from a bad case of Stockholm syndrome. And the 45th president has proved, again and again, that he has a real talent for staying in the limelight.Trump could prove to have as dominant an influence on politics in the 2020s as he did in the 2010s. The obstacles he must overcome to do so, however, are very daunting.Theories abound for how Trump rose to power in 2016. According to some, he spoke for the economically dispossessed. According to others, bigoted voters were attracted to his racist dog whistles. But while both explanations shed some light on his appeal, I believe the truth is much simpler: Millions of Americans who don’t think very much about politics thought of Trump as a winner who knows how to get things done.Since his first bouts with local fame in New York City, Trump has carefully curated his public image to emphasize how much power he has and how successful he is.Manhattan insiders know that the city’s real elite has always looked down on Trump. But readers of The Art of the Deal think of him as the embodiment of a powerful negotiator who knows how to flex his financial muscles.[Timothy Noah: The Trump you’ve yet to meet]Business journalists know that many of Trump’s ventures quickly went bankrupt, and that he would now be much richer if he had simply invested his inheritance in the S&P 500. But to most Americans, the host of The Apprentice is an entrepreneur who built a grand empire thanks to his incredible business sense.Now, however, Trump’s veneer of invincibility is fading. He lost his bid for reelection, and staged the most incompetent coup attempt since Woody Allen’s Bananas. He can rant and rave about what happened in November, but he can’t keep his followers from seeing Joe Biden inaugurated in January. Fear of what he might attempt next is giving way to laughter. He looks more weak and scared by the day.When Oprah Winfrey left her show to start her own network, she was the biggest star on television. Many analysts predicted that her new venture would be a huge success. At the time, some press reports even suggested that bosses at the main broadcast networks were seriously worried about the competition.Contrary to these expectations, the Oprah Winfrey Network struggled to find an audience. In the first years of its existence, it bled tens of millions of dollars. Today, OWN has established a stable niche for itself, and even makes a little profit. But with an average viewership of fewer than 500,000 people in 2018, it plays in a completely different league from the four major networks and the most commercially successful cable channels.This should serve as a warning to anybody who is now fielding pitches to invest in the Trump News Network. If Trump follows the lead of other authoritarian populists like Hugo Chávez and hosts a regular television program, he can undoubtedly induce his most devoted fans to tune in. But to be commercially viable, his channel would have to expand that core audience, recruit other hosts who are capable of sustaining the public’s attention, hire journalists who can actually cover what is going on in the world, and attract advertising from run-of-the-mill corporations.[David A. Graham: Trump is rapidly becoming irrelevant]Competing with Fox News would be a tall order for anyone starting a conservative news network. Given Trump’s record of incompetence in both business and public office, he seems especially unlikely to be able to pull it off.No one can say for sure what Trump’s life will look like in four years. By 2024, he could be bankrupt, sitting in prison, or in very poor health. But even if he is in a position to run for the Republican nomination, he won’t necessarily win.For much of the past half century, the Republican Party has had a relatively stable ideological makeup. The so-called three-legged stool united social conservatives, free-marketeers, and foreign-policy hawks in an uneasy yet durable alliance. Precisely because the party’s ideological composition was so heterogeneous, its most influential leaders did not bear much resemblance to one another.Richard Nixon ran for office as a moderate pragmatist. Ronald Reagan emphasized his credentials as a fiscal hard-liner and a staunch enemy of communism. George W. Bush branded himself a “compassionate conservative” with isolationist instincts.The party’s most recent nominees were also quite different from one another. John McCain had fought a bitter primary against Bush in 2000, was widely seen as a maverick within the party, and was most interested in foreign policy. Mitt Romney came from the party’s patrician business wing and had a successful track record as a red governor in a blue state. As for Trump, he of course promised a radical break in both style and substance from all three when he first ran in 2016.As long as Trump remains in the White House, he is the indisputable leader of the party. Even Republicans who would much rather see a leader in the traditions of Bush, Romney, or McCain at the party’s helm stand by Trump (at least publicly). But this does not mean that they will cheer on his bid for a second term when the party holds an open primary. After all, some of the prominent Republicans now backing Trump want to be president themselves someday. They have every incentive to get in Trump’s way.[James Fallows: Trump’s indifference amounts to negligent homicide]In 2005, more than 90 percent of Republicans approved of George W. Bush. Three years later, most Republican candidates preferred not to campaign alongside the sitting president. When Trump ran in 2016, he repeatedly denigrated Bush. Before long, he may meet the same fate.Trump certainly could stage a spectacular comeback. Maybe Americans will keep staring at his Twitter feed in horror or fascination for the next four years. Maybe primary voters will resoundingly anoint Trump as the Republican candidate in 2024. Maybe Trump will even make a triumphant return to the White House.But what is possible need not be likely. And the odds that Americans will grow bored of the ever more histrionic antics of the sore loser they just kicked out of office are pretty good.
theatlantic.com
Dear Care and Feeding: My MIL Is Way Too Strict With My Perfectly Normal Kid
Parenting advice on unfair discipline, bad words, and college choices.
slate.com
Hospital pressure, vaccine plans, hiking boom: News from around our 50 states
How the COVID-19 pandemic is affecting every state      
usatoday.com
UK to begin Pfizer COVID-19 vaccine emergency use
British officials authorized the COVID-19 vaccine developed by American drugmaker Pfizer and Germany's BioNTech for emergency use on Wednesday. Officials say the first shipment is expected within days. People will start getting shots right away. (Dec. 2)       
usatoday.com
A Hong Kong Protest Icon Is Jailed
Of the issues Joshua Wong has faced during his time as an activist—harassment by Chinese state media, travel bans, and disqualification from local politics—the loquacious dissident rarely suffers a loss for words. But that was the problem nearly a decade ago, when he gave one of his first broadcast interviews. Wong, then just a teenager, was organizing and leading demonstrations that eventually made Hong Kong’s government withdraw controversial education reforms, but during that questioning, he “stuttered a lot,” he later recalled, admitting it took him more than a dozen times to do the take. Experiences like those helped prepare Wong, who a few years later would achieve international fame as a prodemocracy champion standing up to Beijing’s growing suppression.Now, those early successes are being undone and, with them, hope that Hong Kong’s prodemocracy movement can withstand Beijing incursions on the city. Eight years on from Wong’s first unlikely victory, which saw the authorities back down from plans to instill Chinese patriotism through schooling, the changes he helped to stave off are beginning to take hold. And today, he was sentenced to over a year in jail on charges stemming from last year’s demonstrations. Two other activists, Agnes Chow and Ivan Lam, were sentenced along with him, though to less time—all had earlier pleaded guilty—and Wong faces still more charges. Their prison terms will be trumpeted by Beijing, which has fixated on Wong and his compatriots for years. The sentences, and the slate of other allegations that the trio and other activists face, are an effort to silence the icons of Hong Kong’s prodemocracy movement while Beijing continues its march across the city unrestrained.With a vague and broadly worded national security law in place, large scale protests against the sentences, or against any other actions by the government here or in Beijing, seems for now unlikely. After a mass resignation by prodemocracy lawmakers last month, the formal opposition camp has all but disappeared and left former legislators uncertain about how to proceed. Numerous lawmakers are facing charges themselves. While those like Wong and Chow have made headlines, hundreds of others risk months or years behind bars, including many of the anonymous foot-soldiers who fueled the biggest rebuke of Beijing’s rule this territory has seen.[Read: How history gets rewritten]Dozens of supporters and journalists gathered Wednesday at a Hong Kong court, now a familiar routine as the thousands of people arrested during last year’s demonstrations make their way through a judicial system which is itself under tremendous pressure from Beijing. Wong, Chow, and Lam were charged for their roles in an unauthorized protest outside Hong Kong’s police headquarters in June of last year. Magistrate Lily Wong Sze-lai, citing “threat to the personal safety of those present” and the “serious disruption of traffic” caused by the demonstration, sentenced Wong to 13 and a half months in jail. Chow and Lam were sentenced to 10 and seven months, respectively. (Chow was arrested for suspicion of violating the national security law in August, though she has not been charged.)Chow, who unlike Lam and Wong, has never been imprisoned, burst into tears in court. Friends who visited her in the detention facility where she was being held awaiting today’s verdict said she was having difficulty adjusting to being incarcerated. “I understand that I will probably be sentenced to prison on Wednesday, so my morale has been low, and I’ve been very worried,” she was quoted as saying in a Facebook post. The sentencing came a day before her 24th birthday.Lam has a comparatively lower profile outside of Hong Kong, but quietly played a foundational role in the city’s activism. He met Wong while in school and in Lam, Wong found a friend with a similar taste for politics. In his book, Unfree Speech, Wong recounts tagging along with Lam to vigils and demonstrations in Hong Kong in 2011. That May, Lam and Wong founded Scholarism, their student demonstration group. They pinned on “ism” to reflect a new way of thinking, Wong wrote, but also, in an effort reflective of their youthful age, to “give the name more gravitas.”Wong’s profile dwarfs those of Chow and Lam, and indeed any other activist fighting for Hong Kong’s democracy. Driven in part by his parent’s Christian volunteer work and his own faith, he began questioning those in power at a young age, blogging about the goings on at his secondary school, before starting a Facebook page to criticize the school’s cafeteria food, which landed him in trouble with school officials. Au Nok-hin, a former prodemocracy lawmaker who is friends with all three of the activists, recalled Wong peppering him with questions about local politics and spending time at his district council office in 2012, reading through campaign materials and books. “He is extraordinarily outgoing,” Au said of Wong, whom he called the finest and most relentless political campaigner in Hong Kong.Joshua Wong, then a 17-year-old protest leader, speaks to demonstrators in October 2014. (ADAM FERGUSON / THE NEW YORK TIMES / REDUX)This knack for organizing, bolstered by a talent for holding audiences rapt with his speeches, became apparent in 2012. Wong rallied students and was joined by parents and teachers decrying the authorities’ efforts to mandate national education as an attempt at brainwashing and Chinese indoctrination. Students tailed the education secretary, pestering him with props drawn from cartoons and movies. The protest culminated with a huge multi-day demonstration outside of government offices. The proposed curriculum was shelved.[Read: How milk tea became an anti-China symbol]Students tend to be more “principle oriented rather than being so-called pragmatic,” Sing Ming, an associate professor at Hong Kong University of Science and Technology whose research focuses on the city’s democratization efforts, told me. The desire for increased freedoms, coupled with a belief that the government has largely failed to provide means for social mobility, create a potent combination. “It is,” he said, “just a matter of time for the youth to translate their values and anger into actions depending on the political opportunities.”The political opportunity arrived in 2014. Prompted by a proposal from Beijing restricting who could lead the city, thousands occupied Hong Kong’s main thoroughfares for weeks calling for the universal suffrage promised in its mini-constitution to be implemented. While the Umbrella Movement contained numerous factions, Wong, popping in and out of a blue tent that served as his temporary home to brief an ever growing number of reporters, became the face of the protests. A Time magazine cover trumpeting Wong helped cement his arrival on the stage of global activism.Those protests fizzled after 79 days, however, and activism in the city waned as demonstrators were left demoralized and emotionally drained from the events. Scholarism was disbanded. Members formed a new political group, Demosisto, that won a seat in the city’s legislature in 2016, but the winning candidate, Nathan Law, was barred from serving in office. Chow was banned from running for office at all. (The decision was later overturned by the courts.) Though the Umbrella Movement failed to deliver universal suffrage, it succeeded in influencing and training a new crop of politically motivated residents, laying the groundwork for protests that came roaring back last year.The sentence handed down on Wednesday is Wong’s longest. Yet it also spotlights the authorities’ obsessive focus on him: In comparison to his 2012 and 2014 efforts, Wong’s role in last year’s protests was comparatively limited, and he was even a relatively minor player at the police headquarters demonstration (which I attended).Last summer, when protests against a proposed extradition bill took hold, Wong was in jail, serving a two-month sentence stemming from the 2014 protests. He emerged to join a movement that was far different from the one he had led five years earlier. The protests jettisoned occupations for more free-flowing protests to thwart aggressive police tactics. And, most notably, it went to great lengths to remain leaderless in part to avoid the divisions that would eventually befall the Umbrella Movement. Media who erroneously described Wong as a protest leader often found themselves the target of a swarm of angry social media users. Some protesters were hostile to Wong, citing the failure of his preferred tactics in 2014 to bring about wide scale change and his ability to garner so much of the spotlight.Wong, if bothered by his diminished position, did not show it. Instead he accepted a new role with the same obsessive approach he took to years of manning street side political booths in Hong Kong. A dissident diplomat, he travelled to Taiwan, Germany, and the United States, where he testified at a Congressional hearing. At each stop, the media coverage his trips generated was matched by angry condemnations from Beijing. Wong’s globetrotting, however, was not to last. Numerous arrests left him unable to travel.With avenues for dissent vanishing, it looks likely that resistance to the Hong Kong government and its mainland Chinese backers will morph, growing subdued within the territory but more vocal among the city’s far-reaching and influential diaspora. Lian Yi-zheng, the former chief editor of The Hong Kong Economic Journal and a political commentator, said that everyday people who supported protests, rallies, and the activists who organized them, have been spooked by Beijing’s clampdown. “The traditional movement has become more and more hemmed in,” he said. “Formerly it was very well embedded in society, but now it is more and more being driven out.”Law, who fled the city this year, has become a de-facto spokesman for the movement, lobbying leaders across Europe to stand up more boldly to China. Other organizations have sprouted up in the U.S. and elsewhere. Lian said the process would be slow and not without obstacles, particularly as governments hosting dissidents would be wary of offending Beijing, but noted that globally, “there has been a sea change in the opinion of China and its ruling party.”[Read: From Asia’s finest to Hong Kong’s most hated]Challenged by numerous protests over the past decade, the Hong Kong government’s response has been to see fault everywhere, and with nearly everyone, except itself and its policies. Poor messaging, not the contents of a deeply unpopular extradition bill, was to blame for last year’s demonstrations. During the Umbrella Movement, and again five years later, the authorities peddled baseless claims of clandestine foreign forces fomenting demonstrations, beguiling unwitting residents into turning their anger toward their government.Many of these grievances stem from the city’s education system, the favorite target of pro-Beijing politicians and Hong Kong’s government. Maligned as insufficiently nationalistic, the calculus to supporters in favor of overhauling it is simple—more Chinese patriotism in schools, fewer protests on the streets.So, it was hardly a surprise, when, late last month, the city’s education secretary outlined a plan to begin completely retooling classes to include more national education focused on the positives of China. The first reforms will target liberal studies, a compulsory course introduced just over a decade ago that champions critical thinking and a focus on social issues. The announcement came as Wong, Chow, and Lam sat in jail awaiting sentencing, the education changes they began their activist careers fighting, and were able to temporarily fend off, starting to move forward unabated.Prodemocracy protesters in 2014 remove signs placed during demonstrations but leave intact the notice "We are dreamers". (PEDRO UGARTE / AFP / GETTY)
theatlantic.com
'I Got COVID 9 Months Ago and Still Have Symptoms'
At one stage I spiked with fever multiple times a day for more than 80 days. During my long-haul COVID-19 I have experienced symptoms like lung pain, extreme mental and physical fatigue, brain fog, shortness of breath, tinnitus, hot and cold sweats and loss of smell.
newsweek.com
Nomadland Is a Masterpiece Made by Two Separate Virtuosos
Chloé Zhao and Frances McDormand combine their powers to make a movie you won’t forget.
slate.com