Coronavirus, il bollettino di oggi 8 giugno: 65 morti, crescono di nuovo i casi rilevati. Il 70% dei nuovi positivi in Lombardia

Il numero dei nuovi casi è di 280, ma in rapporto a tamponi effettuati e individui testati c'è una impennata rispetto ai giorni scorsi. Zero vittime in 11 regioni

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To use power, you must have it.On the night of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg's death, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell announced that a Trump nominee to replace Ginsburg would receive a vote on the floor of the Senate.That announcement promised a use of power without hesitation or compunction, an abrupt reversal of the supposed rule that blocked an Obama nomination nine months before the 2016 election. This supposed rule would seem much better justified in 2020 than 2016. This time, the vacancy has occurred only 46 days before an election. This time, the party of the president making the nomination seems likely to lose, not win. This time, the Senate majority to approve the nomination may lose too.But of course, the real rule in 2016 was "the good old rule ... the simple plan, that they should take who have the power, and they should keep who can." What McConnell did in 2016 was an assertion of brute power, and what he proposes in 2020 is another assertion of brute power. And so the question arises: Does McConnell in fact have the power he asserts?The answer may be no, for four reasons.Does McConnell really command a Senate majority?The polls do not favor Susan Collins, Cory Gardner, or Thom Tillis—senators from Maine, Colorado, and North Carolina up for reelection this cycle. Yet these competitors may not be ready to attend their own funerals. They may regard voting against McConnell's Court grab as a heaven-sent chance to prove their independence from an unpopular president—and to thereby save their own seats.Lisa Murkowski of Alaska has also made skeptical noises, and even Lindsey Graham of South Carolina may flinch. He faces an unexpectedly tough race this year, and he is extra-emphatically on the record vowing not to support a Supreme Court confirmation vote in the later part of a presidential year.[Read: What Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s death means for America](Martha McSally of Arizona, however, is likely a safe vote for McConnell. The deadest of the Senate's dead ducks surely must be focused on retaining national Republican support for her post-Senate career. Mitt Romney of Utah is a more open question: His strong sense of fairness will push him against confirmation; his consistent support for conservative judges will pull him in favor.)McConnell cannot afford more than three defections in the face of what will certainly be united Democratic opposition to any last-minute Trump nominee.Does McConnell really have a nominee to advance?Any last-minute Trump nominee will face a gantlet of opposition in the Senate, a firestorm of opposition in the country, and probably a lifetime of suspicion from the majority of the country.Can McConnell and Trump find an appointee willing to risk all that for the chance—but not the guarantee—of a Supreme Court seat? Specifically, can they find a woman willing to do it? The optics of replacing Ginsburg with a man may be too ugly even for the Trump administration. And if they can find a woman, can they find a woman sufficiently moderate-seeming to provide cover to anxious senators? The task may prove harder than immediately assumed.Will Trump balk? Until now, judicial-nomination fights have mobilized Republicans and conservatives more than Democrats and liberals. The fight McConnell proposes may upset that pattern. Trump's hopes for reelection depend on suppressing votes and discouraging participation. The last thing he needs is a highly dramatic battle that could mobilize Democrats in states including Arizona and North Carolina—even Georgia and Texas.The smart play for Trump is to postpone the nomination to reduce the risk of Democratic mobilization, and to warn Republicans of the risks should he lose. Trump’s people do not usually execute the smart play. They are often the victims of the hyper-ideological media they consume, which deceive them about what actually is the smart play. This time, though, they may just be desperate enough to break long-standing pattern and try something different.Will the conservative legal establishment play ball?The judicial status quo enormously favors conservatives. Even should Democrats win big in November, it will take many years for them to catch up to the huge Republican lead in judicial appointments. By then, who knows, the GOP may have retaken the Senate, and of course it may well find a way to hold on in 2020.[Read: Mitch McConnell’s grand plan was obvious all along]But a last-minute overreach by McConnell could seem so illegitimate to Democrats as to justify radical countermoves should they win in November: increasing the number of appellate judges and Supreme Court justices; conceivably even opening impeachment hearings against Justice Brett Kavanaugh.McConnell may want the win badly enough to dismiss those risks. But many conservative-leaning lawyers in the country may be more cautious. And their voices will get a hearing in a contentious nomination fight—not only by the national media, but by some of the less Trump-y Republican senators. This could be enough to slow down a process that has no time to spare.*Mitch McConnell has gotten his way so often that it's hard to imagine he might ever lose. But the political balance of power is shifting this fall, and for once, McConnell may be on the wrong side of a power dynamic.
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A spontaneous Supreme Court vigil celebrated Justice Ginsburg’s life and legacy
The crowd at the Supreme Court mourning Ruth Bader Ginsburg after her death at 87 included men and women of all ages. | Tasos Katopodis/Getty Images Hundreds of people gathered on the building’s steps Friday night. The Supreme Court was Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s workplace and her battleground. It was where, while working as a lawyer in the 1970s, she argued six cases and won five, setting precedents that established women’s equality before the law. It was where she issued her memorable dissents during her 27-year tenure. And on Friday night, after Ginsburg died at the age of 87, it was where at least 1,000 people gathered to mourn the Supreme Court’s second female justice and to celebrate her legacy. Tasos Katopodis/Getty Images A mourner places a tribute in front of the Supreme Court to honor Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, who died Friday night at the age of 87. The crowd, which the Washington Post reported included people of all ages, brought candles, signs, and flowers; they sang songs (“This Land Is Your Land”); they wore masks. Some waved LGBTQ pride flags. Alex Edelman/AFP via Getty Images Some of the mourners at the Supreme Court on Friday night carried candles to mark Ginsburg’s death. It was an unusual outpouring of grief for a Supreme Court justice, but Ginsburg occupied an unusual place in American culture — she was not just a hero to many liberal women (and men) for her place in history and her work on the Supreme Court bench, but something of a meme. She was, in the words of the moniker bestowed on her by Shana Knizhnik, the “Notorious RBG.” (Knizhnik, then a law student, came up with the nickname after Ginsburg read her dissent aloud in Shelby County v. Holder, the case that gutted the Voting Rights Act; it was later the title of a Ginsburg biography co-written by Knizhnik and journalist Irin Carmon.) Alex Edelman/AFP via Getty Images Tributes to Ruth Bader Ginsburg, like this one in front of a mural in Washington, DC, referenced her pop culture alter ego, the “Notorious RBG.” Her face was featured on mugs, magnets, and dishtowels, and her life story was chronicled in a documentary and a feature film. Coronavirus prevention signs in Washington, DC’s Adams Morgan neighborhood pleaded with residents to wear a mask “for RBG.” “In an era when too many American leaders treat human lives as abstractions, the fandom, even at its cheekiest, insisted on the Court’s humanity,” wrote the Atlantic’s Megan Garber. “The personal is political; the memes, like the person they celebrate, insisted that the personal is also judicial.” For Ginsburg’s mourners, her death could not have come at a worse time: in the seventh month of a pandemic that has killed nearly 200,000 Americans, and less than two months before an election that will decide the fate of a presidency she hoped to outlast. She often said that she hoped the president “after this one” would be a “fine president,” according to her New York Times obituary. Her dying wish, as told to her granddaughter, was that “I will not be replaced until a new president is installed.” One mourner Friday night carried a sign that said “Honor Her Wish.” Alex Brandon/AP A group of masked mourners, some carrying signs, gathers on the steps of the Supreme Court in the hours after Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s death. The sign referenced Ginsburg’s dying wish: that she not be replaced on the Court until a new president has taken office. Another homemade sign read “when there are nine,” a reference to how Ginsburg answered frequent questions about when there would be “enough” women on the Supreme Court. Alex Edelman/AFP via Getty Images Some mourners at the Supreme Court honored Ginsburg’s famous quotes, including her quip about when there would be enough women on the Supreme Court: “When there are nine.” The mourners who converged on the Supreme Court Friday night came to honor Ginsburg’s legal legacy, to mourn a personal hero, and — some said — because they simply did not want to be alone in the aftermath of the news. “The question that keeps popping up in my head is, ‘Who is going to take care of us?’” one woman told the Washington Post. “It just feels like such a deep loss at this particular time. It’s a lot to put on a woman of her age to keep us safe and functioning as a constitutional democracy.” Help keep Vox free for all Millions turn to Vox each month to understand what’s happening in the news, from the coronavirus crisis to a racial reckoning to what is, quite possibly, the most consequential presidential election of our lifetimes. Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment: to empower you through understanding. But our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources. Even when the economy and the news advertising market recovers, your support will be a critical part of sustaining our resource-intensive work. If you have already contributed, thank you. If you haven’t, please consider helping everyone make sense of an increasingly chaotic world: Contribute today from as little as $3.
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