Finanziare il rilancio post-covid contrastando il dumping fiscale e il riciclaggio di denaro

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The CDC Posted—But Then Suddenly Deleted—Critical Guidance About How COVID-19 Actually Spreads
The reversal may increase public skepticism about the agency's pandemic messaging
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A Republican president. A liberal justice. Their memorials show how united America really is.
Dwight D. Eisenhower and Ruth Bader Ginsburg are revered across the political spectrum for their essential qualities of leadership and morality.
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McConnell: Trump's SCOTUS nominee 'will receive a vote' from Senate
McConnell says Trump nominee for RBG vacancy will be voted on before election
WASHINGTON — Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell on Monday vowed to bring a vote on President Trump’s Supreme Court nominee before the November election following the passing of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg. “President Trump’s nominee for this vacancy will receive a vote on the floor of the Senate,” McConnell (R. Ky) said on the floor...
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'Use my words against me': What GOP senators said about election-year SCOTUS picks in 2016 and now
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Code Commerce @ home
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Can the Senate vote on a replacement for Justice Ginsburg before the election?
Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell. | Stefani Reynolds/Getty Images The practical and strategic considerations around a Supreme Court vote. Election Day is just over six weeks away. Can Senate Republicans hold a vote to replace Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg before then? The short answer is yes, they can, if they — meaning, at least 50 Republican senators — want to. In recent decades, the Supreme Court confirmation process — from nomination to the final vote — has lasted two to three months. Typically, this time is taken up by vetting of the nominee’s history, writings, and career, and then hearings in the Senate Judiciary Committee (which can last several days), before Senate leaders attempt to line up sufficient support for a floor vote. But there’s no reason other than decorum that all this has to take so much time. If Republican senators are unconcerned about the appearances of an unseemly rush to a vote, they can certainly hold a quicker vote should they so desire. Ginsburg herself was confirmed just six weeks after being nominated, though her nomination was uncontroversial and it wasn’t just before an election. President Trump says he plans to announce his nominee for Ginsburg’s seat on Friday or Saturday, which would leave five and a half weeks before election day — a shorter timeline, but not that much shorter. Overall, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell and Republicans certainly can push a vote before the election if they want to do so. But McConnell will only choose to do this if he sees it as preferable to the other option (waiting until the lame-duck session), and if he can line up the votes for confirmation before then. Democrats can use protest tactics, but there’s no magic procedural solution to thwart a determined Senate majority here Of course, the Senate is famous for the ability of the minority to thwart the majority’s wishes, through the filibuster, which takes 60 votes to overcome. But Democrats changed the rules to dispense with that 60-vote requirement to advance most nominations back in 2013, and Republicans finished the job with their own rules change to let Supreme Court nominations be advanced by a simple majority in 2017. So the minority no longer has its famous procedural tool to block action here. There are some remaining procedural moves that Democrats can make to delay things slightly, but they should be understood more as protest tactics than anything that could actually “stop” a confirmation that the majority wants. For example, Democrats could boycott Senate Judiciary Committee chair Lindsey Graham’s (R-SC) hearings for the eventual nominee. That would deny the committee a quorum, which, under a strict interpretation of the rules, would mean they can’t act. However, Democrats have tried similar tactics with Graham’s committee in the past, and he has simply ignored the rules when they are inconvenient. Others have pointed to the Senate rule requiring 51 senators for a quorum to conduct business. There are currently 53 Republican senators, meaning that three Republicans could vote no on a Supreme Court nominee and that nominee would still be confirmed by the other 50 Republicans and the tiebreaking vote of Vice President Mike Pence. However, former Senate aide Jeff Blattner points out that Pence does not count for purposes of establishing a quorum. So the idea here is that if those three Republican senators join all Democrats in denying a quorum (by not answering or not being present when one is called), they could block a nomination vote from proceeding. However, the idea that any, let alone three, Republican senators will join Democrats in this highly unusual tactic to thwart their colleagues from even taking a vote seems fanciful. (Procedural extremism from the minority is generally not an effective tactic at winning over members of the majority, who tend to resent it.) Finally, others have suggested that, more broadly, Democratic senators use their power to “grind everything to a halt” in the Senate by withholding the “unanimous consent” that the chamber runs on day to day. The problem here is that, to McConnell, this Supreme Court nomination effectively is “everything.” Filling this seat will be his top priority. Making other Senate business more inconvenient for him and Republicans might be an effective attention-getting stunt, but it certainly wouldn’t make him cave. The big picture is that McConnell can essentially hold a vote on an eventual nomination whenever he wants to hold one. The only real constraints are whether he can line up 50 Republican senators for confirmation, and if so, how long that will take. (That’s not to say McConnell will hold a vote before the election — he may see it as in his party’s political interest to do it afterward.) A pre-election vote or a lame-duck vote? All this doesn’t mean the outcome is certain, but it does mean the outcome will be shaped more by politics than by procedural tricks or games. As usual, the question is whether enough Republican senators will decide to stand by McConnell and Trump, or defect. So far Sens. Susan Collins (R-ME) and Lisa Murkowski (R-AK) have said the seat should be filled by the next president (even if there is a bit of wiggle room in their statements). But that’s not enough — two more defections would be necessary to block a nominee, and it’s unclear who they’d be. Perhaps Democrats’ best hope is the window for confirmation is narrow enough that something — we don’t know yet what — may go wrong. For instance, the time-honored way to derail a Supreme Court nomination is to unearth some scandal in the nominee’s background. It’s at least possible that something like this will throw a wrench into McConnell’s plans. Still, Republicans ended up confirming Brett Kavanaugh despite Christine Blasey Ford’s accusation that he sexually assaulted her as a teenager (an accusation Kavanaugh denied), so the bar for a nomination-scuttling scandal here will surely be set quite high. And even if a nomination is botched, depending on when it happens, Trump and Republicans could still have time to confirm someone else. Other close Senate votes, such as the Obamacare effort, have been placed in jeopardy by health problems for certain senators, or by surprising special election results. The point is that the future’s uncertain, so the longer the process takes, the better for Democrats. McConnell has a more complicated calculus. He wants to get a nominee confirmed, but he also wants to hold on to his Senate majority, and those two objectives could theoretically come into conflict. The question here is what’s best for the vulnerable GOP senators facing tough reelection fights? Sens. Martha McSally (R-AZ) and Thom Tillis (R-NC) have both said they want the current Senate to fill Ginsburg’s seat, but they haven’t said whether that should happen before or after the election. Sen. Cory Gardner (R-CO), trailing in every poll this year, hasn’t announced his position. A pre-election vote could theoretically help mobilize Republican voters — but it could also energize Democrats in opposition. The problem with waiting for the lame duck, for McConnell, would be that he doesn’t know what the post-election world will look like. If Democrats win big, a hasty November vote to replace Ginsburg will look very ugly and likely encourage Democratic reprisals next year (some in the party are musing about threatening to abolish the legislative filibuster or pack the courts). McConnell doesn’t even yet know how many Republican senators he’ll have throughout the whole lame duck. Arizona’s race is a special election, and if McSally loses, her Democratic opponent will replace her shortly after the election results are certified, which could be at the end of November. There’s also the Georgia special election for Kelly Loeffler’s seat, where polls show the vote split between two Republican and two Democratic candidates — theoretically, it would be possible for one Democrat to win the race with over 50 percent of the vote, which would avert a runoff, and mean the winner would be seated during the lame duck. This would be a tall order considering the current state of the polling, but it’s not outright impossible. Now, if McConnell is hell-bent on getting a nominee confirmed anyway, he can just make sure to hold the vote in November, before any special election winner is sworn in. But still, it’s an added layer of complication that lessens his room for error and opens up the possibility that something can go wrong. The problem is that acting before the election could lessen the chances that he’s still the majority leader next year. Will you help keep Vox free for all? The United States is in the middle of one of the most consequential presidential elections of our lifetimes. It’s essential that all Americans are able to access clear, concise information on what the outcome of the election could mean for their lives, and the lives of their families and communities. That is our mission at Vox. But our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources. Even when the economy and the news advertising market recovers, your support will be a critical part of sustaining our resource-intensive work. If you have already contributed, thank you. If you haven’t, please consider helping everyone understand this presidential election: Contribute today from as little as $3.
North Carolina dad-to-be wins $1 million jackpot while at grandma’s house
A North Carolina father-to-be won a $1 million jackpot in a scratch-off game while at his grandmother’s house for dinner, lottery officials said. Clayton Cook, of Hickory, won big on Sept. 14 when he bought some instant lottery games at a grocery store — including a $30 Colossal Cash ticket with a $10 million top...
Jets’ skill group barren with Breshad Perriman likely out
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NYC shooting incidents are nearly double this year compared to last year, NYPD stats show
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‘Schitt’s Creek’ Season 6 Will Be Added to Netflix in October
The wait is almost over to stream the sitcom's final season on Netflix.
Who is Judge Joan Larsen, possible Trump Supreme Court contender?
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Election Official Warns Pennsylvania Is Heading for Controversy Not Seen 'Since Florida in 2000'
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Executives and top scientists at tech giants Google, Microsoft and Facebook endorsed Joe Biden’s White House bid on Monday, complaining that President Trump’s immigration policies have prevented them from hiring overseas talent. In a public letter, the group of 24 computer scientists — all winners of the Turing Award, known as the Nobel Peace Prize...
How to watch the Emmys 2020 winning TV shows: 'Schitt's Creek,' 'Succession,' and more
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What Justice Ginsburg’s Death Means for the Affordable Care Act—And Democrats’ Election Prospects
Health care was already a major focus in this fall’s election, but the death of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg on Friday adds a new layer of urgency to the issue: the Supreme Court is set to hear a lawsuit challenging the constitutionality of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) on Nov. 10, exactly one week after…
Fauci's NIAID Co-Worker Secretly Mocked, Criticized Him Using Pseudonym on Conservative Website: Report
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Amy Coney Barrett, a proven conservative on Trump's Supreme Court short list
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Your guide to getting into Schitt’s Creek, this year’s Emmys comedy darling
From left: Annie Murphy, Eugene Levy, Catherine O’Hara, and Dan Levy. | Pop TV Schitt’s Creek was the first comedy ever to sweep its Emmys category. Here’s how to watch it. The first half of Sunday night’s Primetime Emmy Awards might as well have been named the Schitt’s Creek awards. The Canadian sitcom swept cleanly through all seven categories it was eligible for during the televised ceremony, including Best Comedy Series, making it the first comedy in Emmys history to pull off such a feat. It was a classic Emmys move: In one fell swoop, the Television Academy (which oversees the Emmys) turned a comedy that could have been accurately described as under-the-radar for most of its six-season run into an overexposed behemoth of a show, to the point that you could see the backlash building in real time. “Oh, no, the internet hates me now,” said Dan Levy, Schitt’s Creek showrunner and star and understander of the internet, during one of his many acceptance speeches. But there’s a good reason Schitt’s Creek walked away with the comedy portion of the evening. Its seven Emmys weren’t just recognition for the show’s quirky-sweet joke construction and its cast’s rock-solid central comedic performances in the sixth and final season. At least in part, those awards were “thank you for getting us through quarantine” Emmys, because there is perhaps no show in 2020 that is better suited for making the overwhelming boredom and fear of long days spent at home turn bearable. The premise of Schitt’s Creek is that the wealthy Rose family has lost everything in a tax scandal. As the show begins, the Roses are relocating to their sole remaining asset: Schitt’s Creek, a small town theypurchased years ago as a joke. There, they proceed to move themselves into a cramped and dingy motel suite, where they live out the next six seasons struggling at first to escape and then to make the best of their new lives. What that means is that Schitt’s Creek is about a family whose large, open, luxurious world suddenly becomes narrow and circumscribed and difficult to live in. The fantasy the show offers is that the Roses manage to find warmth and meaning and love within their new, much more confined surroundings, and in the middle of quarantine, that fantasy is extremely, deeply welcome. It’s “binge the show twice in a row and maybe start reading some fanfic” welcome. It’s “here are seven Emmys plus two more from the Creative Arts ceremony” welcome. But if you are interested in firing up Netflix, where all six seasons of Schitt’s Creek are streaming, to experience this pop culture comfort food for yourself, you’re going to need to strategize. Because maybe the worst way to experience Schitt’s Creek is to start from the beginning. A guide to watching simply the best parts of Schitt’s Creek In its first season, most of Schitt’s Creek’s jokes are an off-putting combination of the Roses being snobbish and awful and the Schitt’s Creek townspeople being gross and crass. The whole thing is just terrible people being terrible, but not in an insightful Succession-y way, and there’s not that much fun to mine from it. If you are a completist and you are already committed to watching the whole show, then you may start at season one, but I would strongly recommend making it a “play in the background while you do chores” show for the early going. Otherwise, just skip it. You’re smart, Schitt’s Creek has a pretty basic premise, and you’ll be absolutely fine figuring out what’s going on if you start later on in the run. If you are willing to stick with it through some moderate growing pains, you can start at the beginning of season two. That’s the point at which the gross-out comedy starts to fall away and the Roses’ snobbishness starts to acquire some purpose and some direction. Theshow is still a little unfocused, but the talent of the cast has started to shine through. But the point at which Schitt’s Creek acquires its true statement of purpose is in its season two finale, “Happy Anniversary.” That’s when the Roses commit to making the most of their time in Schitt’s Creek. It’s also when you can see the show palpably decide to stop being about terrible people and start being about terrible people who are earnestly trying to be good. There are still a few weaker episodes throughout the rest of the series, but by the end of season two, Schitt’s Creek has finally found a direction and a voice, and the characters are all rock solid. Which means you can start with “Happy Anniversary” and experience the best of Schitt’s Creek, with just a few off-notes sprinkled in occasionally. But if you are short on time and demand only the best from your comfort watching, then skip ahead to the middle of season three and start with “General Store.” That episode kicks off one of the show’s most rewarding storylines, and it marks the point at which bad episodes stop happening. What lies ahead from “General Store” includes one of TV’s sweetest love stories, Catherine O’Hara repeatedly saying “bébé” in a truly ridiculous assortment of wigs, and the pure joy of watching Annie Murphy pretending to be a sexy baby helicopter as she performs her character’s critically reviewed single “A Little Bit Alexis.” It’s a celebration of love and family and finding the best in the worst of times. It’s exactly the kind of TV that can bring a little bit of warmth and light into a very dark year. And it’s all right there on Netflix waiting for you. Help keep Vox free for all Millions turn to Vox each month to understand what’s happening in the news, from the coronavirus crisis to a racial reckoning to what is, quite possibly, the most consequential presidential election of our lifetimes. Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment: to empower you through understanding. But our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources. Even when the economy and the news advertising market recovers, your support will be a critical part of sustaining our resource-intensive work. If you have already contributed, thank you. If you haven’t, please consider helping everyone make sense of an increasingly chaotic world: Contribute today from as little as $3.
Way Day 2020 is almost here at Wayfair—here's everything you need to know
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Jeffrey Katzenberg’s Quibi app is exploring a sale, report says
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