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Apple expected to unveil new MacBooks

Apple is about to kick off its second big product event of the fall.
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QAnon Shaman Jacob Chansley Wants Rittenhouse Attorney for Jan 6 Appeal
The most well known Capitol rioter fired his old counsel and brings in John Pierce ahead of reported plans to appeal his 41 month sentence.
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Bucks MVP Giannis Antetokounmpo is changing his game, and his body may thank him for it
One of the game's most physical players, Milwaukee Bucks star Giannis Antetokounmpo is evolving in ways that should save wear and tear on his body.      
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Pro-Herschel Walker PAC to attack Warnock, give GOP candidate 'air support' as he runs sunny campaign
A PAC run by allies of Herschel Walker says it will give "air cover" to the GOP Senate candidate as he runs a campaign in which he rarely attacks his opponent.
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Man Saves 10 People From Burning Apartment Building
Arnez Merriweather reportedly put his ability to stay calm in this kind of emergency down to a mix of jogging and meditation.
Most employers will require workers to get COVID shots, survey shows
A survey finds the majority of U.S. employers will require employees to get COVID-19 vaccinations; few workers are quitting over the mandate.
Plaschke: USC gets their man in Lincoln Riley, who vows to ‘fight like crazy' and win
New USC football coach Lincoln Riley came to Los Angeles to fight and bring back the Trojans to national prominence, writes columnist Bill Plaschke.
A shadow war in space is heating up fast
Space Force general: China and Russia are attacking U.S. space assets “every day.”
‘A post-Roe strategy': The next phase of the abortion fight has already begun
“We’ve had a post-Roe strategy for the last 15 years,” said Kristan Hawkins, the president of the anti-abortion group Students for Life of America. “Now is when the rubber will meet the road.”
Markets are shrugging off omicron worries. But the variant offers a lesson investors should heed.
The market plunge on Black Friday — and recovery on Monday — after the news about omicron offers an important lesson to investors: If you’re going to own stocks long term, you need to have enough cash on hand to ride out volatility.
Media hit for 'sophomoric and ridiculous' take on Biden's travel ban after calling Trump's restrictions racist
Some media who deemed Trump's travel bans racist give tamer coverage to Biden's travel restrictions
The Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol was bad. It may have set the stage for worse
In the months since the deadly attack, election denialism has grown, paving the way for future efforts to violently overturn elections.
How to treat and prevent wood rot
ASK THE BUILDER | If you don’t want to use screws as I did, then you need to excavate the wood so the bottom of the hole is larger than the top. Dentists employ this simple trick so fillings don’t pop out of your teeth.
GOP resistance to preschool plan could imperil key Biden proposal in many states
The White House’s pledge to create universal prekindergarten is set to face enormous implementation challenges, as GOP lawmakers in at least a half-dozen states are already balking at the proposed program and others are likely to follow.
Library book returned after 110 years in Idaho
Boise Public Library recently checked in a book that’s more than a century old
Letters to the Editor: Why enforcing vaccination rules will be good for restaurants' business
A vocal few will complain about proving vaccination status, but with more than 80% of L.A. County residents having gotten a shot, enforcing mandates should pencil out.
Op-Ed: Can being a 'centrist' mean anything when one side is anti-democracy?
Procedural centrism makes no sense when one's political adversaries no longer respect procedures, as is now the case with the GOP.
Letters to the Editor: They tried to get mentally ill loved ones help. The system is broken
Readers share their stories of searching desperately for help for mentally ill family members.
States Must Stop Discriminating Against Religious Schools | Opinion
Pluralism and diversity, not sameness or monopoly, make for a successful schooling enterprise. And religious schools play a vital role in preparing the citizens of tomorrow.
Vince McMahon wished he could beat ‘s–t’ out of Bob Costas during HBO interview
Vince McMahon says that if Bob Costas were bigger they would have come to blows in a contentious interview on HBO 20 years ago.
The man Immanuel Quickley calls his ‘brother’ is chasing their shared dream at St. John’s
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The Mississippi Abortion Ban Is ‘Pure Gaslighting’
Of all the arguments that animate the anti-abortion cause, two stand out as particularly far-fetched: that banning abortion protects women’s health and shields African Americans from genocide. Yet for years, these arguments have driven debates over state laws, served as justifications for court decisions upholding those laws, and even appeared on billboards warning women in predominantly Black communities not to kill their babies. Three years ago, Mississippi lawmakers prohibited almost all abortions after 15 weeks of pregnancy to save women, they said, from serious “medical, emotional, and psychological” damage.It has taken a federal judge to call out these claims for what they surely are: “pure gaslighting.”Tomorrow, the U.S. Supreme Court will hear arguments in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, likely the most consequential abortion case in three decades. The case began as a challenge to the Mississippi abortion ban, and in 2018 landed before Carlton Reeves, an African American judge whose legal opinions—especially this one—are rich in history and disarmingly honest. Reeves struck down the law, as precedents like the 1973 landmark abortion decision, Roe v. Wade, compelled him to do, but then lambasted the Mississippi legislature for trying to justify the ban with reasons that he believed were transparently dishonest.“Its leaders are proud to challenge Roe,” he wrote, “but choose not to lift a finger to address the tragedies lurking on the other side of the delivery room.” I spoke with Reeves recently, and his opinions out of court are as candid as the ones he delivers from chambers and the bench. “Judges are heroes,” he told me. “But for them I would not be in the position that I am or had the experiences that I did. They have the capacity to breathe life into our rights.”[Mary Ziegler: The abortion fight has never been about just Roe v. Wade]Almost any opinion on abortion would have attracted national attention, yet Reeves’s opinion has stirred a striking amount of controversy at every step of the Dobbs case’s journey. It has drawn an appeals-court rebuke as “deeply disquieting” and a legal brief from 18 states urging the Supreme Court to “condemn” the judge’s “rhetoric.” That rhetoric, though, has put before the justices issues that could shape the outcome of Dobbs, the fate of Roe, the response of states to the Supreme Court’s ruling, and the struggle between judges and legislators to determine the law of the land.Under current law, Dobbs is an easy case. In Roe and, almost two decades later, Planned Parenthood v. Casey, the Court ruled that states cannot ban abortions before “viability” of the fetus—about 23 to 24 weeks—making Mississippi’s 15-week cutoff clearly unconstitutional. Reeves ruled as much and then asked an obvious question: “So, why are we here?”Rejecting sophistry from the state’s legislators that the ban wasn’t really a “ban,” Reeves revealed the truth as he saw it: The state passed a law “it knew was unconstitutional to endorse a decades-long campaign … to ask the Supreme Court to overturn Roe v. Wade.” He then scolded the lawmakers for pretending to care about women’s health and the well-being of the unborn and people of color while having the nation’s highest infant-mortality rate, tolerating “alarming” poverty and maternal-death rates, and curtailing health-care programs such as Medicaid. He accused legislators of perpetuating “the old Mississippi,” the one that didn’t allow women to serve on juries until 1968, the one that systematically sterilized Black women—getting a “Mississippi appendectomy,” it was called—and the one that, in 1984, became the last state to guarantee women the right to vote. He recounted Mississippi’s long history of denying its citizens’ constitutional rights with segregated schools, prohibitions on same-sex marriage, and a “secret intelligence arm” that enforced racial discrimination. Far from helping women and minorities, Reeves wrote, the state still seemed “bent on controlling” them.Few federal judges, if any, have ever said such things, not in an opinion and not with that kind of scathing bluntness. That Reeves said them—that he drew on Mississippi’s heartbreaking history to call out its hypocrisy—is at once remarkable and unsurprising. He has done it time and again, in striking down Mississippi’s gay-marriage ban, in explaining why a Black man could not sue cops over a horrific traffic stop, in sentencing white teenagers who drove their pickup over a gay African American until he was dead. He does it because of who he is and where he is from.Born in 1964, Reeves grew up in Yazoo City, Mississippi, a Delta town where the cops were called on his father for objecting when a white grocer insulted his mother. To see a Saturday-afternoon movie, he had to mount urine-scented balcony stairs, because only white kids could afford the extra 50 cents for the cushioned seats below. “In Yazoo, you knew your place,” he told me. As a student in the first integrated public-school class in Mississippi, Reeves did well by any measure, but nonetheless suffered what he sees as racial abuse, including being whacked with a paddle 25 times by the white school administrator, who Reeves says falsely accused him of giving a white girl the finger. “That man beat hell out of me,” Reeves said, adding that the memory still brings tears to his eyes, “and I have never come to forgive him for that.”With three sisters—one now a banker, another a correctional officer, a third an executive assistant—and a mother who washed and folded laundry at the Yazoo Motel to support her seven children, Reeves developed deep respect for the strength of women and all that they endure. In 2010, he became the second African American appointed a federal judge in Mississippi, taking the seat once held by Harold Cox, who referred to Black people in his courtroom as “baboons” and “chimpanzees.” Reeves told me he felt an obligation to the people accustomed to seeing court as a “hostile place, foreign soil,” and, with him, expected a very different face of justice.“I want to be speaking to the general public,” said Reeves, now a 57-year-old man of powerful bulk, broad grins, and soft hellos. “They have been taught a false narrative for generations, on same-sex marriage, on race, on the issues that affect the broader community.” Recounting history, he says, is one way to help Mississippians understand the truth.[Read: The messy post-Roe legal future awaiting America]On abortion, he has provoked morality-fueled indignation. Although the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit affirmed his decision, James Ho, among the court’s most outspoken and conservative judges, took offense at Reeves’s criticism of the anti-abortion movement’s claims to protect women and Black people. Ho cited surveys, articles, and legal briefs ostensibly proving that many if not most women have long viewed abortion as “women’s oppression” and an “injustice against female life.” He then relied heavily on a 2019 concurring opinion, by Justice Clarence Thomas, that condemned abortion as a “tool of modern-day eugenics,” used throughout American history to draw “the distinction between the fit and the unfit … along racial lines.” History, Ho concluded, haunts abortion-rights proponents “with the taint of racism.”The judge largely missed Reeves’s point—Mississippi can’t credibly proclaim a desire to help women and African Americans when it hinders them in so many ways—and Ho’s history was off as well.The pro-women argument began as a public-relations ploy. Escalating attacks on abortion clinics in the 1980s and early 1990s earned abortion opponents a reputation as violently hostile to women at a time of rising gender equality. As the Yale law professor Reva Siegel explains in a recent article, the 1992 Casey decision, much more than Roe, stressed protecting women as equal citizens, a perspective reinforced by Bill Clinton’s election several months later as the first clearly pro-choice president. The anti-abortion movement’s (uniformly male) leaders saw the problem, did some market research, and concluded, “We’ve got to go out and sing from the housetops about what we’re doing—how compassionate we are to women, how we are helping women—not just babies, but also women,” the anti-abortion activist Jack Willke wrote in 1997. What followed, according to Siegel, was a raft of studies, books, and talking points about how abortion supposedly led to trauma, sterility, and cancer and why the health, welfare, and happiness of women and the unborn are inextricably linked. Amid intense lobbying, many conservative lawmakers got the message, using pro-women claims to justify enacting laws like Mississippi’s.The history of abortions and eugenics is a bit more complicated. Tracing it back to the nation’s earliest days, Melissa Murray, a law professor at NYU, recounts in a 2021 article how both sides of the abortion debate have at some point used race to support their positions. When Congress banned importing slaves in 1807, slaveholders tried to preserve their workforce by prohibiting abortions. After the Civil War, anxious that birth rates were dropping for white people but rising for immigrants and people of color, many states declared abortion a crime. This effort to keep America white—in essence, to “improve” its stock—grew in the early 1900s along with interest in eugenics.Meanwhile, feminists began demanding control over when they became pregnant, with Margaret Sanger leading the push for accessible birth control. Yet, according to Murray, Sanger’s calls for contraception as a way to ensure enjoyable sex offended the more chaste feminist mainstream, pushing her to ally with the popular eugenics movement to save her campaign. Critics of abortion—later including Justice Thomas—claimed that the connection was proof of abortion’s use as a eugenics tool, but in fact Sanger opposed abortion and never thought of it that way.Yet suspicion that contraception led to “race suicide,” as the 1930s Black nationalist Marcus Garvey called it, took hold in the 1960s and ’70s among groups like the Black Panthers and the Nation of Islam, which opposed abortion and contraception as threats to Black survival. That stance put these male-dominated organizations at odds with female members and other Black women, who were far more concerned about access to birth control and abortion while facing the prospect of raising children under sometimes impossible conditions. Justice Thomas—and Judge Ho—see an abortion rate among Black people that is nearly three times as high as that of white people as evidence of eugenics rather than a reflection of life under those conditions.With his opinion’s errant history and incendiary judgments, Ho drew even more attention to Reeves’s criticisms, increasing the chances that they and the backlash against them will factor into the outcome of Dobbs, the reaction of the states, and the power of federal judges. We may know better after tomorrow what the justices are thinking, but here’s how things might play out.The Supreme Court said it will focus on one issue: Can states ban abortions before viability? The betting among many experts is that the Court will decide they can—maybe drawing a clear but somewhat arbitrary line (as many European countries have done) at, say, Mississippi’s 15 weeks—but otherwise technically preserving Casey and Roe. That would probably mean a state could regulate abortions after 15 weeks, as long as it did not put an “undue burden” on women’s ability to end their pregnancies. But how to determine when a burden is undue?A 2016 Supreme Court decision, Whole Women’s Health v. Hellerstedt, said judges must examine and balance the actual benefits of an abortion regulation—not just take the state’s word for it—against the obstacles it creates for women. An unjustifiable regulation would never fly, nor would one that essentially blocked abortion. In a 2020 decision, the Court struck down a regulation almost identical to the one considered in Hellerstedt. But in a concurring opinion, Chief Justice John Roberts joined dissenting justices in saying that judges should essentially take a state’s word for it—or risk wading into politics, the realm of legislatures. So even a bogus rule might pass muster if it didn’t ban abortions. But Reeves’s opinion raises the counterargument, highlighting the dangers to democracy if judges stand aside while legislators deceive voters and make law on the basis of nonsense. Don’t be surprised if the issue comes up in oral arguments.There’s also a chance that the Supreme Court will overturn Roe—as Mississippi has asked it to do—if not in Dobbs, then in another case soon. As Murray argues, one way to do it would be through the eugenics argument championed by Thomas. The Court doesn’t erase time-honored precedents just because most justices think they’re improper—and plenty of justices have said that Roe was wrongly decided. The Court needs what Murray calls a “special justification,” and for the right to abortion, that could be racial discrimination. Race provided a reason for overruling precedent in landmark decisions such as Brown v. Board of Education and, just last year, Ramos v. Louisiana, which declared non-unanimous juries in criminal cases unconstitutional. The argument that abortion is rooted in racist eugenics has been cited in several briefs filed in the Dobbs case, and might sway this Court, with its 6–3 conservative majority. Thomas could well air it during tomorrow’s arguments.If Reeves is right, though—if phony justifications should not carry the day in challenges to state laws—surely the same holds true for attempts to overturn constitutional rights. Mississippi lawmakers, Clarence Thomas, and their anti-abortion allies have done enough damage by encouraging Americans to question their sense of reality about abortion. It would be truly alarming if the Supreme Court were to fall for that kind of gaslighting too.
70 Years of Chicken-Little Stories About Higher Education
Seventy years ago, William F. Buckley Jr. published his keening lament for American higher education, God and Man at Yale. Chagrin pervaded GAMAY, as Buckley later branded the book, but it also stung in a satisfying way—a high-handed swat at the Ivy League by a debonair twerp who’d only recently graduated. GAMAY has since inspired seven decades of tribute acts by more and less debonair conservatives.Then, just this month, the college administrator and Shakespeare scholar Pano Kanelos announced that he and a cadre of renegade ideologues are starting a school in Texas expressly to exorcise from academia the nameless ghosts that have spooked conservatives since GAMAY. The casting call seems to be for self-styled outlaws with lively online newsletters or massive fortunes, along with credible claims to having been canceled.[Read: The attack on Yale]Buckley wouldn’t have qualified. He achieved blockbuster success, first with GAMAY, then with some 60 other books; his long-running TV show, Firing Line; and National Review, which he founded in 1955. He was popular with the liberals of his caste, who loved to debate him (many won; see: James Baldwin). It’s hard to imagine he ever knew the anguish of so much as a Maidstone Club snubbing. Nor would he, in 1951, have stood with those who opposed diversity, political correctness, or “wokeness,” if only because the Yale of his time was almost uniformly white and eminently male, an institution that wouldn’t admit substantial numbers of Black men for another 15 years and women for another 20. The perceived persecution of white men and commitment to feminism and anti-racism that addle Buckley’s intellectual offspring didn’t touch him in the 1940s, as there were no other races or sexes at Yale to offend, mistreat, envy, or fear. I reread GAMAY this fall to try to understand why American universities so reliably disappoint conservatives, decade after decade after decade. Calling higher education possibly “the most fractured institution” in “broken” America, Kanelos, in his manifesto for the University of Austin (UATX), slags off every other college as a finishing school. “Historians will study how we arrived at this tragic pass,” he concludes. And though it’s presumably premature to play historian to the tragic pass of November 2021, I figured Kanelos’s tragic pass would bear at least a passing resemblance to the numberless tragic passes at colleges confronted by reactionaries before him. I thought that GAMAY would contain, if not the first-ever tragic pass—the Eden of tragic passes—at least a kernel of the unceasing heartbreak delivered to so many right-wing college graduates by colleges. I imagined I’d find a pedagogic program in Buckley’s book that would speak to Kanelos and all the others affronted by the nation’s finishing schools. I did not.Buckley’s notion of what students and alumni needed from mid-century colleges is nowhere in the literature for the new UATX. Kanelos mentions “students” in his manifesto only to ticket them for terrorizing conservative faculty. Unlike Buckley, who dabbled in anti-intellectualism, Kanelos is squarely on the side of the professoriate. His concern is for heterodox professors to whom students object; Buckley’s concern is for students who object to heterodox professors. Seven decades after GAMAY warned readers that colleges were failing to inculcate orthodoxy in their students, conservatives now fear they’re doing so only too effectively. They’re just worried it’s the wrong orthodoxy.Buckley—the devoutly Roman Catholic, homeschooled polyglot son of a globe-trotting oil wildcatter who grew up largely in Mexico and Paris and learned English in London as a third language—was just too different from most American college students, conservative and otherwise, then and now, to share an animus with them. His nemeses at college were his own: Yale professors who did not affirm “a belief in Jesus Christ as God and Saviour”—Buckley favored Anglo orthography—and anyone who mentioned the economist John Maynard Keynes.Buckley seemed sincere in this. Heresy in GAMAY does not describe stock right-wing positions on immigration or trans politics, which are evidently warmly welcomed at UATX. Heresy, to Buckley, meant heresy. Buckley was shocked, he wrote, to find that many on the Yale faculty—including the Jewish scholars Paul Weiss and Robert Cohen—were not catechizably Christian and willing to go full Nicene from the podium. (Buckley especially worried that caustic asides, such as Weiss’s statement that “Christ was a minor prophet,” might shake the Christian faith of Yalies.) Buckley boldly proposed to “narrow the existing orthodoxy” at Yale, and make sure that Christianity was “championed and promulgated on every level and at every opportunity” on campus. It’s hard to convey just how eccentric a book GAMAY is, but I’ll give it a shot.[Read: The conservative war on education that failed]This desire to re-center Christian doctrine in the Yale curriculum is only the first weirdness of GAMAY. In the book’s second section, Buckley calls out lectures and textbooks in which Keynes (as much a meme as an economist, then as now) gets a hearing he considers too robust. Buckley had no beef with the study of evolutionary biology, which often set off 20th-century Christians, but he was anxious that professorial support for “interventionist solutions to economic problems” would crush the enterprising spirit of young American men. Buckley thus rejected #Keynes in favor of what he considered the implicit ideology of Gold Rush miners, who, in the words of a Yale dean whom Buckley admired, “formed the vanguard of the vast and colonial movement which increased immeasurably the health and strength of the country.” This elevation of the 49ers as a Yale beau ideal might be intriguing, except that precious few 19th-century adventurers had been to college. Maybe—as some in Silicon Valley have proposed—the best way to create a college for the entrepreneurial vanguard really is to abolish it altogether.Buckley was just 25 when he wrote GAMAY, and it’s shot through with underproofed righteousness. It’s a delight anyway. In it are traces of the imperiousness that became Buckley’s stock in trade. Lockjaw is almost audible in the prose, and of course gall, as Buckley, who at the time lacked all scholarly, political, or literary achievement, staked a claim to a wide intellectual terrain. This time around, GAMAY struck me as not a polemic but a perverse anti-bildungsroman, the story of a young man, utterly unwilling to learn, who sees himself as a native-born executive and his instructors as woefully underperforming employees.He inspired a legion of successors, mostly college-educated men who made their names denouncing liberal arts as too liberal, including Allan Bloom (University of Chicago, 1949), David Horowitz (Columbia University, 1959), Roger Kimball (Bennington College, 1976), Heather Mac Donald (Yale, 1978), Dinesh D’Souza (Dartmouth College, 1983), Peter Thiel (Stanford University, 1989), Jonathan Haidt (University of Pennsylvania, 1992), Mary Katharine Ham (University of Georgia, 2002), Ben Shapiro (UCLA, 2004), and Charlie Kirk (Wheeling High School, 2012). But they are tilting at different windmills. Kanelos cites approvingly Yale’s recent commitment “to think the unthinkable, discuss the unmentionable, and challenge the unchallengeable”—a program that would have appalled Buckley, with his bold intention to narrow Yale’s existing orthodoxy to nothing but the supremely mentionable Christian doctrine.If conservatives who have Chicken Littled about higher education for 70 years don’t share an ideology, what do they share? Easy: career ambitions and superb trolling reflexes. Buckley’s prose, as Michael Lee wrote in 2010, was “gladiatorial,” reflecting a “flashy, combative style whose ultimate aim is the creation of inflammatory drama.” Reading the work of today’s conservatives, or hearing their disquisitions on Fox News, it’s hard to imagine that the right-wing idiom ever had any other aim.If Buckleyism failed as a philosophy of education, it succeeded beyond measure as an aesthetic. Inflammatory drama now abounds. We await the historian who will one day comprehensively mourn all the tragic passes. And American colleges truck on. Last year, 46,905 people applied to Yale; only 2,169 were admitted. I looked to the current list of best sellers about higher education to find the latest critiques of college as apocalyptically liberal. But the list was dominated by titles about getting in.
Appeals court hears Trump lawsuit to keep Jan. 6 White House records secret from Congress
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Help! I’m Disgusted by All Our Holiday Food Traditions.
Can I please just have salad?
Michael J. Fox gets personal about Parkinson's
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Jussie Smollett is back in court for his hate crime case. Here’s what you need to know.
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NFL Week 13 power rankings: The Patriots are on the heels of the Cardinals and Buccaneers
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Melania Trump’s Reign of Christmas Terror Is Over. Jill Biden’s White House Display Might Make You Miss Her.
Long live the ice witch.
Video of Enes Kanter Becoming U.S. Citizen Viewed Over 1 Million Times
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Dear Care and Feeding: My Daughters’ Friends Have the Most Frustrating Excuse for Being Flaky
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The U.S. Government Is Wasting Billions on Ineffective Wildfire Policy
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New affordable housing for seniors coming to Fairfax County, Va.
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Iran nuclear talks resume with upbeat comments despite skepticism
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Meta ordered to sell Giphy by UK antitrust authorities
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