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Do McAuliffe supporters believe parents should have a say in what schools teach?

Supporters of Virginia Democratic gubernatorial candidate Terry McAuliffe tell Fox News what role they think parents should play in deciding what children are taught.
Read full article on: foxnews.com
Italy fines Amazon $1.3 billion for abuse of market dominance
Italy's antitrust watchdog said on Thursday it had fined Amazon 1.13 billion euros ($1.28 billion) for alleged abuse of market dominance, in one of the biggest penalties imposed on a US tech giant in Europe.
edition.cnn.com
Building a connected world with Pelion
Pelion and partners are building a truly connected world.
cbsnews.com
Citrix: Rethinking the Traditional Office
The trusted partner in digital workplace transformation.
cbsnews.com
The Uproar Over Jimmy Wales’ Decision to Auction the “Birth of Wikipedia” as an NFT
Christie’s reportedly expects the unofficial Wikipedia NFT to sell for millions.
slate.com
Research Triangle Region: US Thought Leaders
Smart growth and collaboration in North Carolina.
cbsnews.com
Scientists Genetically Edit Mice To Have Female Only Litters With 100 Percent Efficiency
Normally in laboratory research and farming, offspring of the unrequired sex are killed after birth.
newsweek.com
Boris Johnson triggers 'Plan B' Covid-19 restrictions
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How to save money on closing costs
TOWN SQUARE | Closing costs include some fees that are fixed, fees you can shop around for and fees that are negotiable. It’s possible to have some third-party fees waived like the appraisal fee in specific instances.
washingtonpost.com
UK Prime Minister Johnson's wife gives birth to baby girl
The office of British Prime Minister Boris Johnson says his wife Carrie has given birth to a baby girl
abcnews.go.com
U.S. Hospitals Are Struggling Under a Delta-Driven Surge in Cases
Officials are bracing for Omicron, but Delta is the more imminent threat as it drives a 15 percent rise in hospitalizations over the past two weeks. Health workers said the situation had been worsened by staff shortages brought on by burnout, illness and resistance to vaccine mandates. Here’s the latest.
nytimes.com
North Carolina Supreme Court delays March primary by two months over lawsuits challenging GOP-led redistricting
The state's highest court says delaying North Carolina's primary will allow time to settle lawsuits challenging a Republican-led effort to redraw political maps.
washingtonpost.com
Boris and Carrie Johnson announce birth of baby daughter
UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson and his wife Carrie Johnson have announced the birth of a "healthy baby girl," according to the Press Association. The baby was born on Thursday morning at London hospital.
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AP Top Stories December 9 A
Here's the latest for Thursday December 9th: Senate votes to nullify administration's business vaccine mandate; Biden convenes Summit for Democracy; Bob Dole to lie in state; NASA sends multi-telescope observatory into orbit.      
usatoday.com
China and Russia attack Biden's 'so-called' Summit of Democracy
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Elliott’s Activism Doesn’t Always Travel From the Spreadsheet
The hedge fund is right that SSE’s businesses don’t belong together. The snag is they may not be popular as separately listed companies either.
washingtonpost.com
Kamala Harris surpasses Mike Pence in Senate tie-break votes: report
Being president of an almost evenly divided U.S. Senate has paid off in at least one way for Vice President Kamala Harris: She has now surpassed predecessor Mike Pence in casting tie-breaking votes.
foxnews.com
Are the Kids in 'And Just Like That' the Same Child Actors From 'Sex and the City'?
HBO Max's "Sex and the City" reboot "And Just Like That..." sees the welcome return of Carrie, Miranda and Charlotte, and the characters' kids are also back.
newsweek.com
Kids driving COVID cases, but parents still reluctant to vaccinate them, poll shows
Two-thirds of parents of young children are either waiting or refuse to get their younger children vaccinated, according to poll released Thursday by KFF.
abcnews.go.com
Supreme Court conservatives may have their chance to end affirmative action at universities
The conservative Supreme Court led by Chief Justice John Roberts has long wanted to diminish racial remedies in American life and may now be headed toward a far-reaching decision on university affirmative action.
edition.cnn.com
Senate will take up debt limit fast-track plan Thursday
The Senate will begin considering a bill on Thursday that would create a fast-track process allowing Democrats to raise the federal debt limit without votes from Republicans, a crucial next step as lawmakers race the clock to avert a catastrophic debt default.
edition.cnn.com
Biden set to speak at long-promised virtual 'Summit for Democracy'
President Joe Biden is set to participate a virtual "Summit for Democracy" from the White House beginning on Thursday, where he'll host more than 100 participants representing governments, civil society and private-sector leaders.
edition.cnn.com
Gun battle outside police headquarters leaves alleged gunman dead
Stockton, California police say he began shooting at officers in a parking lot. One official calls it part of an "extremely concerning" increase nationwide of ambushes or assaults on officers and police buildings.
cbsnews.com
Alyssa Scott Shares Touching Tribute to Her and Nick Cannon's Late Son Zen
Nick Cannon revealed on his Tuesday show that Zen, the 5-month-old son he shared with model Alyssa Scott, had passed away following a battle with brain cancer.
newsweek.com
Most parents still have concerns about safety of Covid-19 vaccines for children, survey finds
Most parents still worry about the safety of Covid-19 vaccines for children, and about three in 10 say that they will "definitely not" vaccinate their children against Covid-19, according a recent survey by the Kaiser Family Foundation.
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The standards for NFL relevance have never been lower
Quality is optional in the NFL this season, but we still can't turn away.
washingtonpost.com
A tale of two New Yorks: COVID-19 hospitalization rate surging upstate
Higher unvaccinated residents in upstate New York are resulting in higher COVID-19 hospitalizations in those counties compared to New York City.
abcnews.go.com
Barbados to build new slavery museum after severing ties with Britain
Designed by celebrated architect David Adjaye, the new complex will also house an archive of documents about the transatlantic slave trade dating back four centuries.
edition.cnn.com
Fox News Faces Discrimination Probe, Says Ex-Anchor Melissa Francis' Lawyer
The New York State Department of Labor launched a probe into Francis' claims of pay disparity and retaliation, her lawyer said.
newsweek.com
China Evergrande Defaults on Its Debt, Fitch Says
Fitch’s announcement spells out a reality already accepted by investors: The company can’t pay its bills and is being restructured under Beijing’s eye.
nytimes.com
Down North in Philadelphia
Down North executive chef and owner Muhammad Abdul-Hadi operate a Philly pizza shop that exclusively hires previously incarcerated people      
usatoday.com
How to get phone calls without sharing your real number
Your phone number can do a lot of damage in the wrong hands. No matter how long you've had it, it's never too late to start being more discreet with it.     
usatoday.com
Senate rejects Biden vaccine mandate for businesses, with 2 Democrats joining Republicans
foxnews.com
A new poll finds major warning signs for Biden and fellow Democrats
The NPR/Marist survey has President Biden with a 42% approval rating. Americans also don't feel the direct payments or expanded child tax credits Democrats doled out helped them much.
npr.org
Second Glance: Miniature soldiers, Dec. 12, 2021
washingtonpost.com
You're being fed lies: How Americans can find truth in the age of misinformation
Just as young people should be taught coding, they must be taught the decoding of news and information as a prerequisite of informed citizenship.       
usatoday.com
Africa’s leaders often welcome Chinese private investment. How do African citizens feel?
New research on over 400 projects shows how these investments can backfire politically.
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washingtonpost.com
D.C.-area forecast: Cool today, but record warmth is likely Saturday
Highs in the low 40s today leap to the low 70s on Saturday.
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washingtonpost.com
Donald Trump Supporters, Censored, Discovered They Didn't Need Twitter, YouTube
In this daily series, Newsweek explores the steps that led to the January 6 Capitol Riot.
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newsweek.com
As Russia's Balkan Allies Toy With War, Kosovo Banks on U.S. Protection
Kosovo is accusing Serbia and Russia of destabilizing the Western Balkans by exploiting simmering ethnic conflicts.
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newsweek.com
Democrats Have No Idea How to Win the Culture Wars
Maybe Bill Clinton got a few things right after all.For years, Democrats have rarely cited Clinton and the centrist New Democrat movement he led through the ’90s except to renounce his “third way” approach to welfare, crime, and other issues as a violation of the party’s principles. Hillary Clinton, Joe Biden, and even Bill Clinton himself have distanced themselves from key components of his record as president.But now a loose constellation of internal party critics is reprising the Clintonites’ core arguments to make the case that progressives are steering Democrats toward unsustainable and unelectable positions, particularly on cultural and social questions.Just like the centrists who clustered around Bill Clinton and the Democratic Leadership Council that he led decades ago, today’s dissenters argue that Democrats risk a sustained exodus from power unless they can recapture more of the culturally conservative voters without a college education who are drifting away from the party. (That group, these dissenters argue, now includes not only white Americans but also working-class Hispanics and even some Black Americans.) And just as then, these arguments face fierce pushback from other Democrats who believe that the centrists would sacrifice the party’s commitment to racial equity in a futile attempt to regain right-leaning voters irretrievably lost to conservative Republican messages.Today’s Democratic conflict is not yet as sustained or as institutionalized as the earlier battles. Although dozens of elected officials joined the DLC, the loudest internal critics of progressivism now are mostly political consultants, election analysts, and writers—a list that includes the data scientist David Shor and a coterie of prominent left-of-center journalists (such as Matthew Yglesias, Ezra Klein, and Jonathan Chait) who have popularized his work; the longtime demographic and election analyst Ruy Teixeira and like-minded writers clustered around the website The Liberal Patriot; and the pollster Stanley B. Greenberg and the political strategist James Carville, two of the key figures in Clinton’s 1992 campaign. Compared with the early ’90s, “the pragmatic wing of the party is more fractured and leaderless,” says Will Marshall, the president of the Progressive Policy Institute, a centrist think tank that was initially founded by the DLC but that has long outlived its parent organization (which closed its doors in 2011).For now, these dissenters from the party’s progressive consensus are mostly shouting from the bleachers. On virtually every major cultural and economic issue, the Democrats’ baseline position today is well to the left of their consensus in the Clinton years (and the country itself has also moved left on some previously polarizing cultural issues, such as marriage equality). As president, Biden has not embraced all of the vanguard liberal positions that critics such as Shor and Teixeira consider damaging, but neither has he publicly confronted and separated himself from the most leftist elements of his party—the way Clinton most famously did during the 1992 campaign when he accused the hip-hop artist Sister Souljah of promoting “hatred” against white people. Only a handful of elected officials—most prominently, incoming New York City Mayor Eric Adams—seem willing to take a more confrontational approach toward cultural liberals, as analysts such as Teixeira are urging. But if next year’s midterm elections go badly for the party, it’s possible, even likely, that more Democrats will join the push for a more Clintonite approach. And that could restart a whole range of battles over policy and political strategy that seemed to have been long settled.The Democratic Leadership Council was launched in February 1985, a few months after Ronald Reagan won 49 states and almost 60 percent of the popular vote while routing the Democratic presidential nominee Walter Mondale. From the start, Al From, a congressional aide who was the driving force behind the group, combatively defined the DLC as an attempt to steer the party toward the center and reduce the influence of liberal constituency groups, including organized labor and feminists.The organization quickly attracted support from moderate Democratic officeholders, mostly in the South and West and also mostly white and male (critics derided the group alternately as the “white male caucus” or “Democrats for the Leisure Class”). After moving cautiously in its first years, the DLC shifted to a more aggressive approach and found a larger audience following Michael Dukakis’s loss to George H. W. Bush in 1988. Losing to a generational political talent like Reagan amid a booming economic recovery was one thing, but when the gaffe-prone Bush beat Dukakis, who had moved to the center on economics, by portraying him as weak on crime and foreign policy, more Democrats responded to the DLC’s call for change. “That’s when it clicked in brains that we just don’t have an offer [to voters] that can sustain majority support around the country,” Marshall, who worked for the DLC since its founding, told me.[Read: Who was Bill Clinton, anyway?]The DLC responded to its larger audience by releasing what would become the enduring mission statement of the New Democrat movement. In September 1989, the Progressive Policy Institute, the think tank the DLC had formed a few months earlier, published a lengthy paper called “The Politics of Evasion.”The paper’s authors, William Galston and Elaine Kamarck, were two Democratic activists with a scholarly bent, but on this occasion they wrote with a blowtorch. In the paper, they dismantled the common excuses for the party’s decline: bad tactics, unusually charismatic opponents, and the failure to mobilize enough nonvoters. Dukakis’s defeat meant that Democrats had lost five of the six previous presidential elections, averaging only 43 percent of the popular vote, and the party, Galston and Kamarck argued, needed to face the dire implications of that record. “Too many Americans,” they wrote, “have come to see the party as inattentive to their economic interests, indifferent if not hostile to their moral sentiments and ineffective in defense of their national security.”The party had veered off course, they argued, because it had become dominated by “minority groups and white elites—a coalition viewed by the middle class as unsympathetic to its interests and its values.” Unless Democrats could reverse the perception among those middle-class voters that they too were profligate in spending and too permissive on social issues such as crime and welfare, the party was unlikely to win them back, even if a Republican president mismanaged the economy or Democrats convincingly tarred Republicans as favoring the wealthy. “All too often the American people do not respond to a progressive economic message, even when Democrats try to offer it, because the party’s presidential candidates fail to win their confidence in other key areas such as defense, foreign policy, and social values,” Galston and Kamarck wrote. “Credibility on these issues is the ticket that will get Democratic candidates in the door to make their affirmative economic case.”The only way to prove to these disaffected middle-class voters that the party had changed, the pair suggested, was for centrists to publicly pick a fight with liberals. “Only conflict and controversy over basic economic, social, and defense issues are likely to attract the attention needed to convince the public that the party still has something to offer,” they declared.Bill Clinton, who took over as DLC chairman a few months after “The Politics of Evasion” was published, “devoured these analyses of the Democrats’ difficulties as if they were so many French fries,” as Dan Balz and I wrote in our 1996 book, Storming the Gates. Clinton sanded down some of the sharpest edges of these ideas and adapted them into the folksy, populist style he had developed while repeatedly winning office in Arkansas, a state dominated by culturally conservative, mostly non-college-educated white Americans. But the basic prescription of the Democratic dilemma that Galston and Kamarck had identified remained a compass for him throughout his 1992 presidential campaign and eventually his presidency. Luke Frazza / AFP / Getty After a quarter century of futility, Clinton’s reformulation of the traditional Democratic message restored the party’s ability to compete for the White House. But after he left office, more Democrats came to view his approach as an unprincipled concession to white conservatives, particularly on issues such as crime and welfare. Compared with Clinton, Barack Obama generally pursued a much more liberal course, especially on social issues and especially as his presidency proceeded. Hillary Clinton, in her 2016 primary campaign, felt compelled to renounce decisions from her husband’s presidency on trade, LGBTQ rights, and crime (though not welfare reform). Similarly, in the 2020 primary race, Biden distanced himself from both the 1994 crime bill (which he had steered through the Senate) and welfare reform, without fully repudiating either. Even Bill Clinton, in a 2015 appearance before the NAACP, apologized for elements of the crime bill, which he acknowledged had contributed to the era of mass incarceration. With the DLC having folded a decade earlier, the PPI enduring only as a shadow of its earlier size and prominence, and other centrist organizations raising relatively fewer objections to the Democratic Party’s course, the rejection of Clintonism and the ascent of progressivism appeared complete as Biden took office.Eleven tumultuous months later, the neo–New Democrats have emerged as arguably the loudest cluster of opposition to the party’s direction since the DLC’s heyday. But so far, the new critics of liberalism have not produced a critique of the party’s failures or a blueprint for its future as comprehensive as “The Politics of Evasion.” David Shor, a young data analyst and pollster who personally identifies as a democratic socialist, has promoted his ideas primarily through interviews with sympathetic journalists (taking criticism along the way for failing to document some of his assertions about polling results). Ruy Teixeira and his allies have advanced similar ideas in greater depth through essays primarily in their Substack project, The Liberal Patriot. Stan Greenberg, the pollster, summarized his approach in an extensive recent polling report on how to improve the party’s performance with working-class voters that he conducted along with firms that specialize in Hispanic (Equis Labs) and Black (HIT Strategies) voters.These analysts don’t always agree with one another. But they do overlap on key points that echo central conclusions from “The Politics of Evasion.” Like Galston and Kamarck a generation ago, Shor, Teixeira, and Greenberg all argue that economic assistance alone won’t recapture voters who consider Democrats out of touch with their values on social and cultural issues. (Today’s critics don’t worry as much as the DLC did about the party appearing weak on national security.) “The more working class voters see their values as being at variance with the Democratic party brand,” Teixeira wrote recently in a direct echo of “Evasion,” “the less likely it is that Democrats will see due credit for even their measures that do provide benefits to working class voters.”Also like Galston and Kamarck, Shor and Teixeira in particular argue that Democrats have steered off track on cultural issues because the party is unduly influenced by the preferences of well-educated white liberals. Like the pugnacious DLC founder Al From during the 1980s, Teixeira believes that Democrats can’t convince swing voters that the party is changing unless they publicly denounce activists advocating for positions such as defunding the police and loosening immigration enforcement at the border. Several Never Trump Republicans fearful that Biden’s faltering poll numbers will allow a Donald Trump revival have offered similar advice. (Shor also believes that Democrats must move to the center on cultural issues but he’s suggested that the answer is less to pick fights within the party than to simply downplay those issues in favor of economics, where the party’s agenda usually has more public support, an approach that has been described as “popularism.” “On the social issues, you want to take the median position,” he told me, “but really the game is that our positions are so unpopular, we have to do everything we can to keep them out of the conversation. Period.”)[Derek Thompson: Democrats are getting crushed in the ‘vibes war’]In all this, the critics are excavating arguments from the Clinton/DLC era that had been either repudiated or simply forgotten in recent years. Teixeira sees a “family resemblance” between his views and the case that Galston and Kamarck developed. Shor has more explicitly linked his critique to those years. “When I first started working on the Obama campaign in 2012, I hated all the last remnants of the Clinton era,” Shor told one interviewer. “There was an old conventional wisdom to politics in the ’90s and 2000s that we all forget … We’ve told ourselves very ideologically convenient stories about how those lessons weren’t relevant … and it turned out that wasn’t true. I see what I’m doing as rediscovering the ancient political wisdom of the past.”When I spoke with him this week, Shor argued that his generation had incorrectly discarded lessons about holding the center of the electorate understood by Democrats of Clinton’s era, and even through the early stages of Obama’s presidency. The electorate today, he said, is less conservative than in Clinton’s day but more conservative than most Democrats want to admit. “It took me a long time to accept this, because it was very ideologically against what I wanted to be true, but the reality is, the way to win elections is to go against your party and to seem moderate,” Shor said. “I like to tell people that symbolic and ideological moderation are not just helpful but actually are the only things that matter to a big degree.”As Teixeira told me, most of today’s critics reject the Clinton/DLC economic approach, which stressed deficit reduction, free trade, and deregulation in some areas, such as financial markets. Even the most conservative congressional Democrats, such as Senator Joe Manchin of West Virginia, have signaled that they will accept far more spending in Biden’s Build Back Better agenda than Clinton ever might have contemplated. Shor remains concerned that Democrats could spark a backlash by moving too far to the left on spending, but overall, most in the party would agree with Teixeira when he says, “You don’t see that kind of ideological divide between tax-and-spend Democrats and the self-styled apostles of the market like you had back in those days.”On social issues, too, the range of Democratic opinion has also moved substantially to the left since the Clinton years. No Democrat today is calling for resurrecting the harsh sentencing policies, particularly for drug offenses, that many in the party supported as crime surged in the late ’80s and ’90s. All but two House Democrats voted for sweeping police-reform legislation this year. Similarly, Biden and congressional Democrats have unified around a provision that would permanently provide an expanded child tax credit to parents without any earnings, even though some Republicans, such as Senator Marco Rubio of Florida, claim that that would violate the principle of requiring work in the welfare-reform legislation that Clinton signed in 1996. The Democratic consensus has also moved decisively to the left on other social issues that bitterly divided the party in the Clinton years, including gun control, LGBTQ rights, and a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants.All of these changes are rooted in the reconfiguration of the Democratic coalition and the broader electorate since the Clinton years. Compared with that era, Democrats today need fewer culturally conservative voters to win power. Roughly since the mid-’90s, white Americans without a college degree—the principal audience for the centrist critics—have fallen from about three-fifths of all voters to about two-fifths (give or take a percentage point or two, depending on the source). Over that same period, voters of color have nearly doubled, to about 30 percent of the total vote, and white voters with a college degree have ticked up to just above that level (again with slight variations depending on the source).The change in the Democratic coalition has been even more profound. As recently as Clinton’s 1996 reelection, those non-college-educated white voters constituted nearly three-fifths of all Democrats, according to data from the Pew Research Center, with the remainder of the party divided about equally between college-educated white voters and minority voters. By 2020, the Democratic targeting firm Catalist, in its well-respected analysis of the election results, concluded that non-college-educated white Americans contributed only about one-third of Biden’s votes, far less than in 1996, only slightly more than white Americans with a college degree, and considerably less than people of color (who provided about two-fifths of Biden’s support). This ongoing realignment—in which Democrats have replaced blue-collar white voters who have shifted toward the GOP (particularly in small towns and rural areas) with minority voters and well-educated white voters clustered in the urban centers and inner suburbs of the nation’s largest metropolitan areas—has allowed the party to coalesce around a more uniformly liberal cultural agenda.Shor, Teixeira, Greenberg, and like-minded critics now argue that this process has gone too far and that analysts (including me) who have highlighted the impact of demographic change on the electoral balance have underestimated the risks the Democratic Party faces from its erosion in white, non-college-educated support, especially in the Trump era. Although Democrats have demonstrated that they can reliably win the presidential popular vote with this new alignment—what I’ve called their “coalition of transformation”—the critics argue that the overrepresentation of blue-collar white voters across the Rust Belt, Great Plains, and Mountain West states means that Democrats will struggle to amass majorities in either the Electoral College or the Senate unless they improve their performance with those voters. Weakness with non-college-educated white voters outside the major metros also leaves Democrats with only narrow paths to a House majority, they argue. Shor has been the starkest in saying that these imbalances in the electoral system threaten years of Republican dominance if Democrats don’t regain some of the ground they have lost with working-class voters since Clinton’s time.[Ron Brownstein: What Democrats need to realize before 2022]These arguments probably would not have attracted as much notice if they were focused solely on those non-college-educated white Americans who have voted predominantly for Republicans since the ’80s and whose numbers are consistently shrinking as a share of the electorate (both nationally and even in the key Rust Belt swing states) by two or three percentage points every four years. What really elevated attention to these critiques was Trump’s unexpectedly improved performance in 2020 among Hispanics and, to a lesser extent, Black Americans. The neo–New Democrats have taken that as evidence that aggressive social liberalism—such as calls for defunding the police—is alienating not only white voters but now nonwhite working-class voters. Andrew Harnik / AP If it lasts, such a shift among working-class voters of color could largely negate the advantage that Democrats have already received, and expect moving forward, from the electorate’s growing diversity. “You won’t benefit that much from the changing ethnic demographic mix of the country if these overwhelmingly noncollege, nonwhite [voters] start moving in the Republican direction, and that concentrates the mind,” Teixeira told me.As in the DLC era, almost every aspect of the neo–New Democrats’ critique is sharply contested.One line of dispute is about how much social liberalism contributed to Trump’s gains last year with Hispanic and Black voters. Polls, such as the latest American Values survey, by the nonpartisan Public Religion Research Institute, leave no question that a substantial share of Black and especially Hispanic voters express culturally conservative views. Greenberg says in his recent study that non-college-educated Hispanics and Black Americans, as well as blue-collar white voters, all responded to a tough populist economic message aimed at the rich and big corporations, but only after Democrats explicitly rejected defunding the police. “You just didn’t get there [with those voters] unless you were for funding and respecting, but reforming, the police as part of your message,” Greenberg told me. “The same way that in his era and time … welfare reform unlocked a lot of things for Bill Clinton, it may be that addressing defunding the police unlocks things in a way that is similar.”Yet some other Democratic analysts are skeptical that socially liberal positions on either policing or immigration were the driving force of Trump’s gains with minority voters (apart, perhaps, from a localized role for immigration in Hispanic South Texas counties near the border). Stephanie Valencia, the president of the polling firm Equis Labs, told me earlier this year that Biden might have performed better with Hispanics if the campaign debate had focused more on immigration; she believes that Trump benefited because the dialogue instead centered so much on the economy, which gave conservative Hispanics who “were worried about a continued shutdown [due] to COVID” a “permission structure” to support him. Terrance Woodbury, the CEO of the polling and messaging firm HIT Strategies, similarly says that although Black voters largely reject messaging about defunding the police, they remain intently focused on addressing racial inequity in policing and other arenas—and that a lack of perceived progress on those priorities might be the greatest threat to Black Democratic turnout in 2022.Other political observers remain dubious that Democrats can regain much ground with working-class white voters through the strategies that the neo–New Democrats are offering, especially when the Trump-era GOP is appealing to their racial and cultural anxieties so explicitly. Even if Democrats follow the critics’ advice and either downplay or explicitly renounce cutting-edge liberal ideas on policing and “cancel culture,” the party is still irrevocably committed to gun control, LGBTQ rights (including same-sex marriage), legalization for millions of undocumented immigrants, greater accountability for police, and legal abortion. With so many obstacles separating Democrats from blue-collar white voters, there’s “not a lot of room” for Democrats to improve their standing with those voters, says Alan Abramowitz, an Emory University political scientist who has extensively studied blue-collar attitudes.Rather than chasing the working-class white voters attracted to Trump’s messages by shifting right on crime and immigration, groups focused on mobilizing the growing number of nonwhite voters, such as Way to Win, argue that Democrats should respond with what they call the “class-race narrative.” That approach directly accuses Republicans of using racial division to distract from policies that benefit the rich, a message these groups say can both motivate nonwhite intermittent voters and convince some blue-collar white voters. “We’re much better off calling [Republicans] out—scorning them for trying to use race to divide us so that the entrenched can keep their privileges—and laying out a bold populist reform agenda that actually impacts people across lines of race,” says Robert Borosage, a longtime progressive strategist who served as a senior adviser to Jesse Jackson when he regularly sparred with the DLC during his presidential campaigns and after.For their part, first-generation New Democrats such as Galston and Marshall believe that the current round of critics is unrealistic to assume that neutralizing cultural issues would give the party a free pass to expand government spending far more than Clinton considered politically feasible. Too many Democrats “think it’s about the things government can do for you, but lots of working people of all races … want opportunity … They want a way to get ahead of their own effort,” Marshall told me. Shor, unlike some of the other contemporary critics of progressivism, largely seconds that assessment. “There are things that people trust Republicans on and you have to neutralize those disadvantages by moving to the center on them, and that includes the size of government, that includes the deficit,” he said. “You have to make it seem that you care a lot about inflation, that you care a lot about the deficit, that you care about all of those things.”[Read: Liberals are losing the culture wars]Though Biden hasn’t directly engaged with these internal debates, in practice he’s landed pretty close to the critics’ formula. The president has overwhelmingly focused his time on trying to unify Democrats around the sweeping kitchen-table economic agenda embodied in his infrastructure and Build Back Better plans. He’s talked much less about social issues whether he’s agreeing with the left (as on many, though not all, of his approaches to the border) or dissenting from it (in his repeated insistence that he supports more funding, coupled with reform, for the police.) “I don’t know where his heart is on this stuff, but I think he’s a creature of the party and what he thinks is the party consensus,” Teixeira told me. “He doesn’t want to pick a fight.”Yet despite Biden’s characteristic instinct to calm the waters, the debate seems destined to intensify around him. Galston, now a senior governance fellow at the Brookings Institution, has recently discussed with Kamarck writing an updated version of their manifesto. “Is there a basis for the kind of reflection and rethinking that was set in motion at the end of the 1980s? I think yes,” Galston told me. Meanwhile, organizations such as Way to Win are arguing that Democrats should worry less about recapturing voters drawn to Trump than mobilizing the estimated 91 million individuals who turned out to vote for the party in at least one of the 2016, 2018, and 2020 elections.The one point on which both the neo–New Democrats and their critics most agree is that with so many Republicans joining Trump’s assault on the pillars of small-d democracy, the stakes in Democrats finding a winning formula are even greater today than they were when Clinton ran. “There’s a greater sense of urgency, I would say. Because if we had gotten it wrong in 1992, the country’s reward would have been George H. W. Bush, which wasn’t terrible at the time and in retrospect looks better,” Galston said. “This time if we get it wrong, the results of failure will be Donald Trump.”
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theatlantic.com
Three teens arrested for arson in Montana fire that destroyed 13 homes
Three adult teens have been arrested on arson charges for allegedly starting a fire in Montana that destroyed 13 homes, authorities said.
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edition.cnn.com
Stockton police fatally shoot gunman they say opened fire inside headquarter’s parking lot
Police in Stockton, California, fatally shot a man they said opened fire inside the parking lot of police headquarters and charged at officers when confronted.
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foxnews.com
Tributes Paid to Sly and Robbie Bassist Robbie Shakespeare, Dead at 68
The Grammy-winning bassist was known for his important contributions to the world of dancehall and reggae.
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newsweek.com
Does Mr. Big Die in 'Sex and the City' Reboot 'And Just Like That'?
Rumors have been flying that Mr. Big would die in the "Sex and the City" reboot. Here's what happens to Chris Noth's character in "And Just Like That."
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newsweek.com
How Many 'Halo Infinite' Campaign Missions Are There and Why Can't You Replay Them?
In a first for the franchise, "Halo Infinite" does not allow you to replay missions via a level select screen. Here is everything you need to know about this omission.
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newsweek.com
Jurors set to begin second day of deliberations in the trial of actor Jussie Smollett
Jurors in Chicago will begin the second day of deliberations Thursday in the trial of actor Jussie Smollett, who has been charged in connection with allegedly staging a fake hate crime and falsely reporting it to police nearly three years ago.
1 h
edition.cnn.com
Photo Shows Jeffrey Epstein, Ghislaine Maxwell Visited Queen Elizabeth II at Balmoral
Jeffrey Epstein and Ghislaine Maxwell are seen relaxing at Queen Elizabeth II's Scottish retreat in an image that will heap further pressure on Prince Andrew.
1 h
newsweek.com
All the Ways to Watch Kanye 'Ye' West and Drake's 'Free Larry Hoover' Concert
Kanye West is hosting a benefit concert with Drake for the incarcerated Larry Hoover.
1 h
newsweek.com