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Knicks coach Tom Thibodeau loves this big NBA rule change

The NBA took measures to reduce the amount of fouls called this season, and defensive-minded Knicks coach Tom Thibodeau “thinks it’s a really good change.”
Read full article on: nypost.com
FOX Nation’s new series explores the infamous Long Island Serial Killer case
In their newly released multi-part podcast and accompanying docuseries Grim Tide: Hunting The Long Island Serial Killer, FOX Nation examines the unsolved murder mystery of the Gilgo Beach Murder victims, many of them sex workers, found on Long Island.  
nypost.com
Fact Check: South Korean Workers Wore 'Squid Game' Costumes at Protest
Images of people dressed in red outfits worn by guards in the Netflix series have spread on social media.
newsweek.com
Florida AG Ashley Moody Warns Vaccine Mandates 'Will Not Be Tolerated' in the State
Florida Attorney General Ashley Moody (R) on Thursday warned that vaccine mandates will "not be tolerated" in the Sunshine State, vowing to fight alongside Gov. Ron DeSantis (R) against the federal government's coercive edicts and unprecedented power grab.
breitbart.com
The Anger of Tesla Fans Is Becoming a Problem
They’re mobilizing to stop a needed crackdown that’s barely begun.
slate.com
Forecasters predict warmer winter for two-thirds of US
As the US enters a second La Nina year in a row, these weather conditions across the country are typical.
nypost.com
Florida fire chief: I was fired for refusing to enforce 'unlawful' vaccine mandate
A Florida fire chief said on Friday that he was fired for refusing to enforce a vaccine mandate he thought was “unlawful.”
foxnews.com
Soaring meat prices a tough sell for barbecue pitmasters
For about twenty minutes, Alex Barbosa had his full menu on display -- written in permanent marker on peach-colored butcher paper -- before he had to start taking parts of it down.
edition.cnn.com
What we know about the Queen's health
Royal rest for Elizabeth II after a dramatic 11th-hour cancelation and brief hospital visit.
edition.cnn.com
Biden Names Neera Tanden as White House Staff Secretary
The move comes after her nomination as budget director was pulled earlier this year over her frequent caustic remarks on social media.
nytimes.com
How Activists Are Radically Interrogating Berlin’s Colonial Past—and Reshaping Its Future
A group of activists, artists and educators is working to draw attention to Germany's dark history of colonialism through mapping, exhibitions, walking tours and more
time.com
Alec Baldwin Shooting Leaves Hollywood Rattled as Questions Over Safety Raised
Halyna Hutchins' death has sent a wave of shock throughout Hollywood as many leading industry figures express their shock over the tragic incident.
newsweek.com
Barbecue restaurants feel the pain of soaring meat prices
Pitmasters worry for the future of their barbecue restaurants as beef, pork and poultry prices continue to rise.
edition.cnn.com
Former Texas linebacker Jake Ehlinger died of overdose, family says
Jake Ehlinger, a former University of Texas linebacker, died in May by an accidental overdose of “what was believed to be Xanax laced with toxic drugs including deadly Fentanyl,” his family said in a statement obtained by ESPN. Ehlinger — the younger brother of former Longhorns quarterback Sam Ehlinger, who the Colts drafted in April — was...
nypost.com
CNN Biden town hall dominated by questions from Democrats
Earlier this week, CNN announced the town hall would be an “invitation-only audience,” mirroring another forum the outlet hosted in July in Ohio.
nypost.com
Prop Gun Specialist Calls Alec Baldwin 'Very Safe,' Says Props Dept. Likely to Blame
A film set weapons expert who has worked with Baldwin before said the actor is very cautious and someone else is likely at fault for Thursday's tragic shooting.
newsweek.com
Josh Hawley Making COVID 'Worse to Further His Political Career': Missouri Newspaper
The GOP senator "wastes our time and his by focusing on imaginary affronts to the cloudless world in which he lives," The Kansas City Star editorial board wrote.
newsweek.com
Southwest Airlines Changes Stance, Will Not Fire Unvaccinated Employees
"Nobody is going to lose their job on December the 9th if we're not perfectly in compliance," the company's CEO, Gary Kelly, said Thursday.
newsweek.com
Prop gun fired by Alec Baldwin in fatal shooting contained live round: union
The prop gun Alec Baldwin used in the accidental shooting that killed a cinematographer on his upcoming movie “Rust" and wounded the director reportedly contained a “live round.”
nypost.com
Why Childhood Friendships Feel So Intoxicating
Earlier this month, a new novel by the late French writer Simone de Beauvoir was published. Written nearly 70 years ago by a woman who died 35 years ago, Inseparable follows the devoted, almost romantic friendship between fictionalized versions of de Beauvoir and her real-life childhood best friend, Zaza. De Beauvoir was besotted with Zaza. Her consuming infatuation with the girl seeps through every page—perhaps explaining why the author decided the book was too intimate to publish during her lifetime.De Beauvoir’s intense adoration of Zaza may seem unique, but the experience of having such an intoxicating childhood bond is not unusual. As the journalist Lydia Denworth writes in an excerpt of her book Friendship published in The Atlantic, “The intensity of feelings generated by friendship—or loneliness—in childhood and adolescence is by design.” Literature is filled with tales about this type of youthful passion. Anne of Green Gables calls these bonds “bosom friends”—relationships one holds close to the heart. The author Elena Ferrante’s Neapolitan novels capture a complex and turbulent portrait of this kind of entanglement in the draw between its two protagonists, Elena and Lila. Elena is entirely in Lila’s thrall; she feeds off her vibrance, imitates her, and kicks off her writing career under Lila’s inspiration. At the same time, Elena is deeply jealous—a layer that only fuels their interdependence.The writer Julie Buntin, who herself had an overwhelming and exhilarating childhood friendship, also considers these types of relationships in her debut novel, Marlena. The work both conjures the fervor of young crushes and critiques the tragic endings they tend to come to in literature. De Beauvoir’s friend died young, as does the titular character of Buntin’s book. In this context, Marlena prompts the reader to ask: Can homages to these fierce, entrancing young people exist without romanticizing the sad fates that seem to befall them? ​Every Friday in the Books Briefing, we thread together Atlantic stories on books that share similar ideas. Know other book lovers who might like this guide? Forward them this email. When you buy a book using a link in this newsletter, we receive a commission. Thank you for supporting The Atlantic. What We’re ReadingDenise Bellon / AKG imagesThe philosopher who took happiness seriously“Unrequited love, embarrassing as it can be, is, in de Beauvoir’s thinking, a way of being unconstrained, because loving the other ‘genuinely’ is to love him ‘in that freedom by which he escapes. Love is then renunciation of all possession.’”
theatlantic.com
Robert Durst charged with murder of former wife
Robert Durst was charged with the murder of his former wife, Kathie Durst, who disappeared in 1982.
abcnews.go.com
Cotopaxi and Teva collaborated to create fall's must-have jacket and slip-on shoe combo
Cotopaxi and Teva have teamed up again to release a jacket and pair of slippers that are absolute must-haves this fall. We tried them out to see if they're really worth your money.
edition.cnn.com
Jon Stewart defends Dave Chappelle: ‘His intention is never hurtful’
"And if it is [hurtful], it’s certainly unintentional," said Stewart. "He’s really a good man."
nypost.com
All the expert-approved cold weather camping essentials you need this fall
From layering clothes to finding the right sleeping bag, we talked to expert campers to find out everything you need to know to stay warm when camping this fall.
edition.cnn.com
What Joe Biden Could Learn From Henry Kissinger
Last month, President Joe Biden went before the United Nations General Assembly in New York and declared the end of America’s forever wars in the Middle East. “As we close this period of relentless war,” he told the assembled representatives, “we’re opening a new era of relentless diplomacy.”But Biden’s speech was accompanied by inauspicious diplomatic steps. First came the shambolic and ignominious withdrawal from Afghanistan, which left America’s allies feeling that the United States had failed to consult adequately with those who had fought beside it before it rushed for the exits. Then Biden announced a new Indo-Pacific defense pact with Australia and the United Kingdom. France, America’s oldest ally, was shafted in the process, its $60 billion contract to build diesel submarines for the Australian navy abruptly canceled, its role and interests in the Indo-Pacific rendered irrelevant to the Asian power equilibrium that Biden was striving to shore up in the face of a growing challenge from China. Relentless diplomacy was beginning to look like ruthless diplomacy. Indeed, if the art of diplomacy is to tell a person to go to hell and make him look forward to the trip, French President Emmanuel Macron’s outrage suggested that Biden had failed to meet that standard.Perhaps Biden could learn something from America’s most accomplished diplomat, Henry Kissinger. At 98, Kissinger remains a controversial figure, his realpolitik brand of balance-of-power diplomacy reviled by some for its application in Laos, Cambodia, Chile, and Bangladesh, but revered by others for achieving the opening with China and détente with the Soviet Union. All of those events, however, took place while Kissinger was serving as Richard Nixon's national security adviser. Only when Kissinger became secretary of state in September 1973 and moved from the West Wing to Foggy Bottom were his diplomatic skills fully put to the test. And that is when his relentless diplomacy in the Middle East sidelined the Soviet Union during the Cold War and produced four Arab-Israeli agreements, which established a new American-led order in that turbulent part of the world and laid the foundations for Arab-Israeli peace.[From the December 2016 issue: The lessons of Henry Kissinger]Like Biden after Afghanistan, Kissinger had to confront the limits to the use of force demonstrated by the United States’ defeat in Vietnam. And like Biden, he faced a period of domestic turmoil, as the Watergate scandal forced Nixon from office and raised questions abroad about the ability of the U.S. to sustain a coherent and reliable foreign policy. Kissinger executed a pivot in U.S. foreign policy away from Southeast Asia toward the Middle East. Ironically, almost five decades later, Biden is now executing a pivot away from the Middle East back toward Southeast Asia.Recognizing the limits of coercive power and facing a growing isolationist trend at home, Kissinger, like Biden, understood that the United States could not afford to withdraw from the world. Instead, Kissinger depended on deft diplomacy to promote American interests at a time of intense geopolitical rivalry, when deploying ground forces was no longer an option. Timothy A. Clary / Getty ; Brownie Harris / Corbis / Getty ; The Atlantic Kissinger’s success was built with several key ingredients. He always began with a clear objective, at least in his own mind, and a strategic concept for how to achieve it. In the Middle East of the 1970s, his objective appeared to be peace between Israel and its Arab neighbors. But that obscured his real purpose, which was to build a new, American-led order in the region. For Kissinger, peacemaking diplomacy was a process designed to ameliorate conflicts between competing powers, not resolve them. He feared that pursuing peace as an idealistic end state would jeopardize the stability that his order was designed to generate. Peace for Kissinger was a problem, not a solution. The desire for peace needed to be manipulated to produce something more reliable, a stable order in a highly volatile part of the world.Kissinger’s diplomatic daring was informed by an innate conservatism. He was wary of the crusading impulses that drove many American leaders to overreach in their desire to remake the world in America’s image. He knew from his study of history that maintaining order was usually too prosaic an objective to inspire presidents, compared with the immortality they might hope to achieve by pursuing peace or democracy in far-off regions that knew little of either. Declarations like Biden’s—that democracy versus autocracy is the defining struggle of our time—were not for Kissinger. Rather, he pursued the more mundane but achievable idea of a balance of power between competing states to deter those who would seek revisions to the order. In his concept, that equilibrium would discourage war and create the conditions over time for peace and democratic change.Once balance had been established, the United States, with its immense power, would play the role of the “indispensable balance wheel,” swinging back and forth between the contending regional powers, ideally positioning itself closer to all of them than they were to one another. That was the challenge for America then: using its power to deter states from disrupting the order and rewarding them for maintaining it. And that is the same challenge Biden faces today.If Kissinger’s theory was clear, its practice was inevitably more complicated, especially in the Middle East. During his time in the White House, Kissinger agitated for a balance of power in which U.S. support for Israel, Saudi Arabia, and the Shah’s Iran would deter the revisionist impulses of Soviet-backed clients in Egypt, Syria, and Iraq. Détente with the Soviet Union buttressed this equilibrium because it committed Moscow to maintaining the regional status quo. The order worked well enough for three years. But it collapsed when Egypt and Syria launched the Yom Kippur War on Israel in October 1973 and the Soviet Union, fearing the loss of its position of influence, swung behind them.Kissinger was as surprised as the Israelis. He had become so confident in the prevailing equilibrium that he had overlooked a principle derived from his study of history: that for the order to be stable, a balance of power was insufficient; there also had to be a “moral consensus” among the powers that the existing arrangements were fair and just. The legitimacy of the Middle Eastern order Kissinger was creating in fact rested on shaky foundations because it failed to provide a sense of fairness or a modicum of justice to the Arab states that had lost territory to Israel in the 1967 Six-Day War.By his own admission, Kissinger had underestimated Egyptian President Anwar Sadat, dismissing him as resembling a character from Verdi’s opera Aida (which is set in ancient Egypt). But once the Yom Kippur War broke out, Kissinger became determined to build a new Middle Eastern order based on working with Sadat to turn Egypt from a revolutionary power into a status quo power, moving it from one side of the balance to the other. In that way, he would remove the largest and most militarily powerful Arab state from the conflict with Israel, making it impossible for the others to contemplate going to war again. He learned this play from his study of the post-Napoleonic 19th-century European order, when Castlereagh and Metternich, the foreign ministers of Great Britain and Austria, respectively, brought France over to the side of the status quo powers.[Read: In defense of Henry Kissinger]Kissinger’s diplomatic mechanism for achieving this feat was an Arab-Israeli peace process in which the United States would persuade Israel to yield Arab territory in return for steps that would reduce the incentives for the Arab states to return to war. But because he viewed peace with a jaundiced eye, his peace process would be cautious, gradual, and incremental. He labeled it “step-by-step diplomacy.”“Territory for peace” became the legitimizing principle for Kissinger’s new Middle Eastern order. But how to convince Israel, which had just experienced the trauma of a war in which its survival seemed to hang in the balance, that yielding territory would make it more, not less, secure? Especially when Kissinger shared Israel’s skepticism about Arab countries’ peaceful intent.Here’s where Kissinger’s manipulative skills became essential to his successful diplomacy. In a series of ferocious arguments with Golda Meir, Israel’s doughty prime minister, he did not try to sell her on peace. Instead, he persuaded her to give up territory for time: time for Israel to get over the trauma of the war, time to reduce its isolation and build its military and economic strength, and time for the Arabs to eventually accept Israel and make peace with the Jewish state.Convincing the Israelis was painful, difficult, and frustrating, yet Kissinger was indefatigable. Hour after hour, in meeting after meeting in Washington and Jerusalem, he deployed all the arguments in his arsenal, at times with a sense of humor that disarmed his stiff-necked audience, at others with threats that only reinforced their resistance. In the end, though, he succeeded in persuading Israel to hand back to Egypt the Suez Canal and then the oil fields and strategic passes in Sinai. Two years later, after Kissinger had left office, President Jimmy Carter brought this process to completion in the Israel-Egypt peace treaty.Israel became committed to trading territory for time. With American assistance, Israel used time to build up its military, economic, and technological capabilities, becoming the strongest power in the Middle East. Meanwhile, over time, the Arab states gradually tired of the conflict, accepting the Jewish state in their midst and recognizing the benefits of cooperating with it—as recently evidenced by the Abraham Accords—just as Kissinger had predicted.What he did not expect, however, was that Israel would also use time to consolidate its grip on the West Bank, as settlers continued to build and expand their communities with government support. At the end of Kissinger’s tenure as secretary of state, just 1,900 settlers lived on the West Bank; by 2020, that number had swelled to more than 466,000 in 131 settlements. That made it all the more difficult politically for Israel to withdraw from the territory even as its strength grew. Now, more than four decades later, the idea that Israel should relinquish the West Bank has become almost unimaginable. Kissinger understood the consequences of settlements for his legitimizing principle. He wrote in his memoirs that Israel had no choice in the end but to cede territory for peace, warning that “the Jewish state would consume its moral substance if it sought to rest its existence on naked force.”Kissinger also applied his relentless diplomacy to Syria’s Hafez al-Assad. Syria did not have the same weight as Egypt in the Middle Eastern power balance, but it did have an important role to play in legitimizing Kissinger’s peace process. Syria prided itself on being the beating heart of pan-Arab nationalism, which utilized antagonism toward Israel as a unifying factor among disparate Arab states. By engaging in peacemaking with Israel, Sadat was breaking the mold. If Kissinger could entangle Assad in his diplomatic web, it would provide Arab cover for Sadat’s camp-shifting and undermine the Soviet Union’s ability to thwart Sadat’s endeavors.Assad was shrewd enough to recognize that Kissinger’s purpose was to break up the united Arab front against Israel and that if he succeeded, Syria would be left weakened and isolated. But he also understood that he could extract advantage from the fact that Kissinger needed him to provide cover for Sadat and reinforce the perception that only the United States could deliver for the Arabs. It was a match of wits and guile unlike any other in Kissinger’s experience as secretary of state. For 30 days, Kissinger shuttled between Jerusalem and Damascus, making 13 trips, with side excursions to Egypt and Saudi Arabia to secure the support of Sadat and King Faisal. It was a dispiriting, frustrating, and exhausting endeavor that put him out on the frontier of American diplomacy without any serious backing from President Richard Nixon—who was by that point completely preoccupied with fending off his imminent impeachment.[From the January/February 2016 issue: The long history of leading from behind]Back and forth the American diplomat went, patiently cajoling both sides closer to an agreement, threatening the Israelis, promising blandishments to the Syrians. The fruit of his labor, negotiated in 1974, was the Golan Heights disengagement agreement. It kept the peace in the Golan between Israel and Syria for more than four decades, with only a handful of minor violent incidents.Even today, with Syria engulfed in civil war and Israel regularly striking Iranian targets, the agreement remains in force and the Golan Heights remains peaceful, notwithstanding efforts by Iranian-backed militias to approach the border and former President Donald Trump’s gratuitous recognition of Israeli sovereignty there. Kissinger’s relentless diplomacy had taken both Syria and Egypt out of the conflict with Israel. Henceforth, no Arab neighbor of Israel would contemplate waging war on the Jewish state, and all of them would seek to resolve their differences with Israel through American-led diplomacy.It was by no means a flawless performance. Kissinger underestimated the ability of lesser powers to disrupt the will of the great powers in the Middle Eastern order that he was tending, and his preference for order and skepticism about peace led him to miss several opportunities to advance the peace process that he had created. Nevertheless, the art in his diplomacy lay in his conception and achievement of an American-led regional order, in which the pursuit of peace was an essential mechanism.What is the takeaway for the Biden administration as it shifts its focus from the Middle East to Asia to counter China’s rising, assertive power?At a time of intense geopolitical competition, Kissinger’s first priority would be to establish an equilibrium in the Asian balance of power. Biden is attempting to achieve that by concerting the policies of the major powers in the region, bringing India into the fold, and building Australia’s force-projection capabilities. But America’s own military deployments in the Asian arena will need to be significantly strengthened, especially to deter a Chinese move against Taiwan. More attention clearly needs to be paid to the role of America’s European allies. They have less to contribute because of their geographic distance, but they can nevertheless add ballast to the enterprise, if only by building their own capacity to balance Russia in Europe, thereby helping relieve the burden on the United States as it shifts resources to Asia. Ignoring their interests, as Biden did recently with France, only advantages China, creates problems in Europe, and undermines the credibility of American diplomacy by revealing a gap between rhetoric and practice.As Kissinger learned the hard way in the Middle East, an equilibrium in the balance of power is insufficient without a legitimizing principle that gives our partners a sense of fairness and justice. In Asia, the threat of a Chinese-dominated alternative order makes that easier to achieve. America’s role as the “offshore balancer” in Asia, which it has been playing since its withdrawal from Vietnam, is broadly accepted there as desirable. Moreover, the threat from China concentrates the minds of leaders who might otherwise pursue grievances with their neighbors.However, Biden’s idea of an alliance of democratic states to counter autocratic ones, far from generating a moral consensus in Asia, could make one more difficult to accomplish. Many of the powers that Biden needs on his side are autocratic or trending that way, including the Philippines, Malaysia, Vietnam, Singapore, and India. Biden would be better off developing a coherent trade policy that would benefit our regional partners. By joining the Trans-Pacific Partnership, for example, the United States could help legitimize fair-trade rules that China would have difficulty ignoring.At the same time, Biden also needs to shore up the Middle Eastern order, lest our retrenchment from there tilt the balance of power in favor of Iran and outside powers such as Russia and China. An event like Iran attempting to cross the nuclear-weapons threshold, for example, could divert American attention away from Asia and require the United States to return to the Middle East with force yet again. The Arab-Israeli peace process that Kissinger initiated to legitimize that order has also stalled. If a sense of justice and fairness is to be restored, Kissinger’s approach of a gradual, incremental process needs to be applied to the Palestinian problem. The small economic steps now being taken by the Israeli government should be tied to a peace process that begins with some territorial steps (such as restricting settlement building and ceding more territory to Palestinian control) and leads to an eventual Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza at peace with Israel.Kissinger’s style of relentless diplomacy required a combination of caution, skepticism, agility, creativity, resoluteness, and guile in the service of a strategy that favored the pursuit of order over grandiose objectives and magical thinking. By those standards, Biden’s relentless diplomacy is falling short. But the learning curve is always steep in a new administration, no matter how professional the policy makers. They would do well to absorb the lessons from Kissinger’s experience.
theatlantic.com
Inside the ‘Nightmare on Elm Street’ house: You have until Halloween to buy it
Freddy Kreueger may no longer live here — but his home made famous in Wes Craven’s classic horror film “A Nightmare on Elm Street” is now up for sale for $3.25 million. However, the residence is not quite on 1428 Elm St. in Ohio: In fact, it’s located thousands of miles away on an upscale...
nypost.com
Arizona seeks temporary restraining order to stop Biden vaccine mandate
FIRST ON FOX: Arizona's attorney general on Friday filed a request for a temporary restraining order to stop the Biden administration implementing a controversial vaccine requirement as a lawsuit filed last month moves forward.
foxnews.com
Photos: Bellator 269 official weigh-ins and faceoffs
Check out the photos from Bellator 269's official weigh-ins and faceoffs in Moscow.       Related StoriesBellator 269: Fedor Emelianenko vs. Tim Johnson photo shoots in MoscowVadim Nemkov def. Julius Anglickas at Bellator 268: Best photosCorey Anderson def. Ryan Bader at Bellator 268: Best photos 
usatoday.com
'Modern Family' actress Shelley Long spotted on leisurely stroll with pet Chihuahua in LA
"Modern Family" and "Cheers" actress Shelley Long was seen walking with her Chihuahua in Los Angeles.
foxnews.com
Alec Baldwin Fatally Shoots Crew Member With Prop Firearm, Authorities Say
One friend called the death of Halyna Hutchins a “stupid, shocking loss.” Officials are investigating the incident. Here’s the latest.
nytimes.com
Alec Baldwin's brother Stephen reacts to accidental shooting on 'Rust' movie set
Authorities have launched an investigation into the incident that killed cinematographer Halyna Hutchins.
foxnews.com
Alec Baldwin’s ‘Rust’ shooting accident: Hollywood mourns Halyna Hutchins
Halyna Hutchins, cinematographer on the movie “Rust,” and director Joel Souza were shot Thursday on the rustic film set in the desert on the southern outskirts of Santa Fe, New Mexico, according to County Sheriff’s officials.
foxnews.com
Erika Jayne says Tom Girardi’s ‘life is over’
The strongest substance on Earth isn’t diamonds, it’s the message Erika Jayne has for her estranged husband, Tom Girardi. The “Pretty Mess” author, 50, called the disgraced attorney, 82, a “master persuader and a master performer” on Wednesday night’s second installment of the “Real Housewives of Beverly Hills” Season 11 reunion.
nypost.com
Prop guns: What they are and how they can kill
The goal of movies and TV series is to make scenes look realistic. When it comes to prop guns, they don't just look dangerous.
edition.cnn.com
Prop guns: What they are and how they can kill
The goal of movies and TV series is to make scenes look realistic. When it comes to prop guns, they don't just look dangerous.
edition.cnn.com
Fox Weather readies launch, facing questions over how it will cover climate change
The ad-supported streaming service launches Monday.
washingtonpost.com
Dinosaur fossil from a supposed huge carnivore actually belongs to something else
A dinosaur fossil footprint found about 50 years ago is from a plant-eating dinosaur -- not a huge meat-eating dinosaur as previously thought, according to a new study.
edition.cnn.com
Dinosaur fossil from a supposed huge carnivore actually belongs to something else
A dinosaur fossil footprint found about 50 years ago is from a plant-eating dinosaur -- not a huge meat-eating dinosaur as previously thought, according to a new study.
edition.cnn.com
Spain’s disgraced former king was ‘injected with female hormones’ to curb his sex drive
Ex-police commissioner José Manuel Villarejo - who is on trial for blackmail and corruption - claimed the disgraced former head of state was given the drugs by the Spanish secret service.
nypost.com
Alec Baldwin discharges prop gun, kills cinematographer on set, authorities say
Cinematographer of "Rust" was killed after star Alec Baldwin discharged a prop firearm in an incident on set, according to authorities.       
usatoday.com
Hey ‘Rick and Morty’ Fans: Netflix’s ‘Inside Job’ Is the Beth and Rick Story You’ve Been Waiting For
Finally, the emotionally neglected super genius daughter is telling her own story.
nypost.com
Full List of Republican Politicians Attending QAnon Convention in Las Vegas
Republicans pushing unfounded claims of widespread voter fraud during the 2020 Presidential Election will attend the event organized by QAnon influencers.
newsweek.com
Vet Reveals Dog and Cat Breeds Whose Cute Looks Actually Make Them Suffer
Cat Henstridge, who posts on TikTok as Cat the Vet, said flat-faced dogs made "wonderful pets, but we have to talk about how they suffer for the way they look."
newsweek.com
What we know about the deadly shooting on Alec Baldwin's movie set of 'Rust'
Here's everything we know about Thursday's fatal shooting on the set of Alec Baldwin's upcoming film, "Rust."       
usatoday.com
Dax Shepard once sucked out Kristen Bell’s clogged breast milk duct
The "Frozen" star described the process in detail, recalling that her husband "was pulling out and spitting into this cup" to help treat her mastitis.
nypost.com
Nathan Chen begins four-month journey for redemption – and for elusive figure skating gold
Nathan Chen will perform Friday night at Skate America in Las Vegas, the first major international skating competition of the Olympic season.       
usatoday.com
Robert Durst Charged With Murder of First Wife
Alex Gallardo/GettyRobert Durst, the 78-year-old real estate heir-turned-convicted killer, has been charged with second-degree murder in the 1982 death of his first wife, the Associated Press reported Friday.The charge was made in a criminal complaint filed Tuesday by a New York State Police investigator in Lewisboro, New York. It comes a day after the Westchester District Attorney Mimi Rocah empaneled a grand jury to hear testimony in the murder of Kathie Durst to determine whether charges should be filed. Rocah did not announce the investigator’s Tuesday filing.“The Westchester County District Attorney’s Office can confirm that a complaint charging Robert Durst with the murder of Kathleen Durst was filed in Lewisboro Town Court on October 19, 2021. We have no further comment at this time,” Rocah’s office said in a statement to the AP.Read more at The Daily Beast.
thedailybeast.com
How to Watch ‘Critical Role Campaign 3’
The hit D&D series is back.
nypost.com
Why Aren’t More Pregnant People Getting the Vaccine?
Across the U.S., vaccination numbers have been slowly climbing, protecting more and more of the population and bringing the country closer to getting the coronavirus under control. But despite this success, some high-risk groups have lagged behind. In particular, rates among pregnant people are discouragingly low.Although more than three-quarters of all eligible adults have gotten at least one COVID-19 shot, only about 25 percent of mothers-to-be have gotten one during their pregnancy. Rates are even lower for Latina and Black expectant mothers, at 22 and 15 percent, respectively, compared with 27 percent of white and 35 percent of Asian expectant moms. The vaccines are safe for use during pregnancy—a CDC study on the Pfizer and Moderna mRNA shots found that they did not increase miscarriages, and the agency has urged pregnant people to get vaccinated. And though infants and small children are not yet able to get the immunizations themselves, nursing babies may be able to receive some protection from antibodies in breast milk.The consequences of remaining unvaccinated can be dire. At least 200 pregnant people have died of COVID-19, including 22 in August alone; nearly 23,000 have been hospitalized. Newborns are suffering too. The American Academy of Pediatrics has reported links between infection during pregnancy and preterm birth, and according to the CDC, babies born to patients with COVID-19 are at increased risk of admission to the neonatal intensive-care unit. [Read: America is getting unvaccinated people all wrong]So why aren’t more expectant mothers getting shots that could be lifesaving for both them and their future children? Many assume that all unvaccinated people are conspiracy-minded anti-vaxxers, but as my colleague Ed Yong has written, the reasons for not getting COVID-19 shots are more complicated than that. Pregnancy adds another layer of complexity. The vaccine-skeptical women I spoke with told me that they believe the pandemic is real and that they are pro-science, but they were also overwhelmingly concerned about their own and their baby’s safety because of what they saw as a dearth of research on long-term outcomes. Given the high stakes of protecting their unborn child, and amid an often confusing information landscape, many opted for what felt safe, rather than what was safe.The doctors I interviewed also found that a perceived shortage of data is what concerned most of their unvaccinated pregnant patients. Some had been spooked by anecdotes they’d heard about family members and friends with kids on the way reporting negative vaccine side effects. Others were simply worried about putting something unfamiliar in their body. All were trying to make the best choice for themselves and their child. Jennifer Thompson, a maternal-fetal-medicine specialist at Vanderbilt ​​University Medical Center, said that some of those who declined to get a COVID-19 shot asked her about other ways they could protect themselves from the virus. Regan Theiler, an obstetrician at the Mayo Clinic, in Minnesota, told me that her patients “routinely get their flu shots. These are women who are health-care workers vaccinated against hepatitis B. They get their TDAP boosters in pregnancy to protect their baby.” Indeed, pregnant people have been more likely to take more familiar vaccines: 61 percent got a flu shot during the 2019–20 flu season, for example.[Read: The difference between feeling safe and being safe]Convincing a historically marginalized population about the value of a new treatment is challenging in the best of times. Medical researchers have generally understudied how a lot of drugs affect pregnancy, and doctors too often dismiss pregnant patients’ worries—especially Black people’s. In the case of COVID-19 vaccines, early mixed messaging about the shots’ safety during pregnancy created a lasting anxiety that some health-care providers fueled. (In Mississippi, some pregnant people were reportedly wrongly turned away from clinics.) In the absence of clear guidance, misinformation masquerading under the guise of “wellness” and coordinated anti-vax campaigns targeting expectant mothers took root. Even for those who didn’t subscribe to any conspiracy theories, the confusion may have felt overwhelming.Kirsy Vasquez, a pregnant woman from outside Boston, is vaccinated only because her workplace mandated it. She told me she would have willingly gotten the shot after giving birth, but doing so while she was expecting terrified her. She hasn’t experienced any major side effects—just fatigue and a sore arm—but that hasn’t quelled her fear. “I might be okay right now, but nobody knows,” she said, sharing that she’s most worried about what this decision will mean for her baby. Indeed, vaccination is typically thought of as a medical decision, but during pregnancy it’s also a parenting one. For many, it’s the first big decision they’re making on behalf of a new child, Lynn O'Brien Hallstein, a professor studying motherhood at Boston University, told me. Vaccination then becomes a test of whether you’re a good parent; both those in favor and those against have loud, strong opinions, and the stakes of failure feel monumental.Of course, a COVID-19 vaccine is recommended for anyone eligible, and the clear medical consensus is that getting vaccinated is in the best interest of pregnant women and their babies. The reasons that refraining still feels safer to so many are likely informed by historical theories about pregnancy that emphasized the danger a mother’s actions—and even thoughts—posed to an unborn baby. Quill Kukla, a philosophy professor at Georgetown and the author of Mass Hysteria: Medicine, Culture, and Mothers’ Bodies, points to the early-modern theory of the maternal imagination, which posited that “if pregnant women so much as had a feeling or saw something that was disturbing, that would translate itself directly onto the body of the fetus.” The theory was often used for blatantly racist purposes—such as suggesting that a white woman lusting after a Black man might change the race of her baby—but its effects are still felt today.Culturally, pregnant bodies are seen as fragile entities that must be kept pure from pollution. And while, practically, women do have to take into account that what they do affects the health of their fetus, assessing and weighing the risks can be confusing. They often have to sort through long lists of what to avoid in pregnancy, such as sushi and certain sleeping positions; while many of these things carry some risk, some advice books might lead new parents to believe the danger is greater than it is. “You can’t even take an ibuprofen when you’re pregnant, so it’s definitely scary to think about taking a brand-new vaccine,” Kristina, who works in finance in Dallas, told me. (The FDA recommends avoiding the drug if you’re pregnant, especially after 20 weeks.) It’s no wonder that expectant mothers have favored inaction on the vaccine, Kukla told me. “The whole history of pregnancy advice has been organized around pregnant women somehow keeping out outside influences.”While some anti-vaxxers are actively spreading fear and misinformation, a lot of unvaccinated pregnant people are safety-minded, but have been understandably influenced by this overarching cultural attitude around pregnancy. “I do hear from lots of patients that ‘I just don’t like putting things in my body when I’m pregnant. I want this to be as natural as possible, and maybe I’ll consider it after delivery,’” Thompson, the maternal-fetal-medicine doctor, told me.Kristina, who asked to be referred to by first name only, given that she was discussing private medical information, decided to wait out her pregnancy. She said her doctor waffled when giving her advice, emphasizing that there were no safety guarantees and ultimately telling her the choice was hers. “Honestly, it’s probably not what a pregnant woman needs to hear, because obviously, they’re not gonna go forward if you tell them that,” she told me. Instead of getting a shot, she took strict precautions, because she knew the risks of COVID-19. She was working from home, getting groceries delivered, and rarely leaving her house. To her, this scenario was “the best of both worlds”—she could avoid both infection and the stress of getting a vaccine that felt scary to her. Still, she emphasized that she’s not an anti-vaxxer. She encouraged her relatives to get vaccinated, and eagerly got her shots too—after she gave birth over the summer.[Read: America is now in the hands of the vaccine-hesitant]Although Kristina made it through her pregnancy without getting COVID-19, this bias toward inaction can have wide-ranging harms, pandemic or no pandemic. When nonintervention is a default, patients with conditions that actually require treatment can be endangered. There’s also a lack of research on the effects of many medicines during pregnancy. Though pregnant people were excluded from the initial COVID-19 vaccine trials, researchers did study the shots’ effects on them later on. However, according to one report, almost 75 percent of drugs approved between 2000 and 2010 don’t have any data on how they influence pregnancy. Without adequate evidence, many feel stuck when making decisions about their health. “It’s not just my body now. I’m thinking about my child’s body as well,” Jasmine Fortescue, an insurance representative from Florida who hasn’t gotten vaccinated, told me. “The information helps. But information can also be so overwhelming that sometimes you just have to stop and think about what you want to do and what you really believe.” As O’Brien Hallstein, the Boston University professor, said, while the power of choice can be empowering, it can also be a terrible burden, because it comes with being the target of blame if anything goes wrong.An obvious exception to the preference for nonintervention is the racist history of researchers unethically testing treatments on pregnant women of color. The entire modern field of gynecology, for example, is indebted to experiments that a man named James Marion Sims performed on enslaved Black women without their consent and without anesthesia. In the 20th century, the influential obstetrician Fred Adair standardized a blueprint for prenatal care that was rooted in eugenics. As Dána-Ain Davis, a professor at the City University of New York studying Black maternal health and medical racism, told me, these “afterlives of slavery” permeate obstetric care to this day. “From that kind of relationship, you want to have trust that I’m supposed to take this vaccine?” Davis asked. “​​That is irrational. It is irrational on the part of the medical community and the public-health community, knowing what they know about how Black people’s bodies had been treated during reproduction and pregnancy. It is irrational for them to think that people are going to embrace all of a sudden the recommendations of somebody who they feel has not paid attention to them.”To improve vaccination rates, the experts I spoke with all pointed to the importance of community-based care that both eases problems of access and builds trust. “When I have these conversations, I ... acknowledge that you’re not crazy for feeling like this,” ​​Ndidiamaka Amutah-Onukagha, a public-health professor at Tufts University School of Medicine and the director of the MOTHER Lab, which studies maternal-health disparities, told me. “Then you back it up with science.”Erika R. Cheng, a researcher at the Indiana University School of Medicine who has studied communication between patients and obstetricians, says that in the exam room, the gold standard for provider-patient communications is a process called shared decision making. In it, the two work together to reach an informed medical decision based on both the available evidence and the patients’ own values. But that process works only when the provider takes the patient’s concerns seriously, devotes adequate time to the conversation, and encourages the patient’s autonomy—conditions that many medical conversations don’t meet. Her research has shown that many pregnant people don’t always feel comfortable raising questions with their doctors at all.If patients are uncomfortable with their doctors during normal times, it’s no wonder things go awry when information changes as quickly as it has during the pandemic. Confusion among patients was a natural response to uncertainty in earlier months among providers, who were still waiting on research. Many I spoke with were hopeful that more available data on the vaccines might convince the skeptical and get more shots in pregnant patients’ arms. Jennifer Thompson has started to notice this play out already. She says some women who were initially mistrustful have shared with her that they eventually chose to get vaccinated not in spite of their pregnancy, but because of it—making a choice that both felt and was safe.
theatlantic.com