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Врач назвал реакцию на алкоголь, выдающую болезнь: Ещё ранняя стадия

Врач назвал реакцию на алкоголь, выдающую болезнь: Ещё ранняя стадия
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Ukrainians seeking shelter in US must have TB screenings and certain vaccinations
The United States is preparing to welcome more displaced Ukrainians now that the Biden administration has approved the first group to enter through the new Uniting for Ukraine program. Ukrainians began arriving through the program this month.
Turkey Will Block Sweden and Finland Joining NATO
Turkey is said to be blocking the two countries' bid to join the alliance because of their alleged lax attitude towards PKK militants.
Спикер парламента ЯНАО убежден в важности уроков прошлого для будущего страны
Забота о людях независимо от внешних вызовов всегда была приоритетным направлением политики ямальских властей. Вместе с духовенством законодатели и исполнители реализуют качественные социальные, медицинские, благотворительные и патриотические проекты
5 things to know for May 19: Ukraine, Buffalo shooting, Stocks, Baby formula, Soccer
Here's what else you need to know to Get Up to Speed and On with Your Day.
Man in Japan gambles COVID town funds mistakenly sent to him
The money was supposed to be COVID-19 assistance for low-income households in a small Japanese town, but police say it was mistakenly wired to a bank account of a resident who refused to return it and spent most of it on online gambling
Bloomberg: Англия мешает дипломатическому разрешению конфликта на Украине
Премьер-министр Великобритании Борис Джонсон, глава МИД Лиз Трасс и министр обороны Бен Уоллес используют кризис на Украине для решения своих собственных политических задач. Об этом во всеуслышание заявило агентство Bloomberg
PGA Championship live updates Thursday: Four-time champion Tiger Woods part of high-profile threesome
The second major championship in men's golf gets underway Thursday in Tulsa, Oklahoma, with a star-studded field competing for the Wanamaker Trophy.
Fan Asks Camille Vasquez If She's Dating Johnny Depp in Viral Clip
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Why is Washington Looking to Make Even More Concessions to Iran? | Opinion
Iran should not be offered the opportunity to press for additional concessions from America and the West—and the Biden administration should stop begging.
5 ways abortion bans could hurt women in the workforce
The end of Roe v. Wade will hurt women in many ways. | Craig F. Walker/Boston Globe via Getty Images How criminalizing abortion affects women at work. Roe vs. Wade is all but certain to be overturned, which could effectively make abortion illegal in about half of US states. If that happens, historical data tells us that not only will this affect women personally, but it will jeopardize their professional lives, too. That decision, a draft of which was leaked to Politico earlier this month, affects a woman’s likelihood to work at all, what type of job she takes, how much education she receives, how much money she makes, and even the hopes and dreams she has for herself. In turn, her career affects nearly all other aspects of her life, from her likelihood to live in poverty to her view of herself. And taking away the ability to make that decision stands to upend decades of progress women have made in the workforce, which has cascading effects on women’s place in society. As Caitlin Myers, a professor of economics at Middlebury College, put it, “Childbearing is the single most economically important decision most women make.” We know all this because of decades of research on how abortion bans hurt women — research that Myers, along with more than 150 other economists, outlined in an amicus brief to the Supreme Court in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, the Mississippi case that’s likely to upend Roe v. Wade. In addition to long-term studies specifically looking at outcomes of women who were unable to get an abortion versus those who did, there’s even more robust data around the negative causal effects of having children on women in general. It’s also just common sense, according to Jason Lindo, a professor of economics at Texas A&M University. “Anyone who has had kids or seriously thought about having kids knows it’s super costly in terms of time and money,” Lindo said. “So of course restrictions that make it harder for people to time when they have kids or which increase the number of children that they have is going to have serious impacts on their careers and their economic circumstances.” Even in the absence of a national ban, state anti-abortion measures have been a huge burden on women and society at large. The Institute for Women’s Policy Research (IWPR) estimated that state-level restrictions have cost those economies $105 billion a year in reduced labor force participation, reduced earnings, increased turnover, and time off among prime working-age women. An abortion ban won’t affect all women equally, either. Myers says that in regions of the country where abortion is banned and where travel distances will increase for women to be able to get an abortion, about three-quarters of women seeking abortions will still do so. That means roughly a quarter of women there — in Myers’s words, “the poorest, the most vulnerable, the most financially fragile women in a wide swath of the Deep South and the Midwest” — will not receive their health care services. As the US faces an ongoing labor shortage — one led in part by women who have left the workforce to care for children and elders during the pandemic — the Supreme Court’s expected decision will exacerbate the situation and potentially change women’s experience in the workforce for years to come. 1) Women’s labor force participation could go down Abortion access is a major force that has driven up women’s labor force participation. Nationally, women’s labor force participation rates went from around 40 percent before Roe v. Wade was passed in 1973 to nearly 60 percent before the pandemic (men’s participation was nearly 70 percent at that time). Abortion bans could thwart or even reverse some of those gains. Using data from the Turnaway Study, landmark research that compares outcomes over time for women across the country who received or were denied abortions, University of California San Francisco professor Diana Greene Foster and fellow researchers found that six months after they were denied an abortion, women were less likely to be employed full-time than those who received an abortion. That difference remained significant for four years after these women were denied abortions, a gap that could affect their employment prospects even further into the future. 2) Lower educational attainment Education rates are foundational for career prospects and pay. A 1996 study by Joshua Angrist and William Evans looked at states that liberalized abortion laws before Roe v. Wade andfound abortion access leads to higher education rates and labor-market outcomes. American University economics professor Kelly Jones used state abortion regulation data to determine that legal abortion access for young women who became pregnant increased their educational attainment by nearly a year and their likelihood of finishing college by about 20 percentage points. The evidence is largely driven by the impacts on young Black women. Other research by Jones and Mayra Pineda-Torres found that simple exposure to targeted restrictions on abortion providers, or TRAP laws, reduced young Black teenagers’ likelihood of attending or completing college. In turn, lower education affects which jobs women are qualified for. 3) The types of jobs women get will be more restricted Having children significantly affects the types of jobs women get, often steering them to part-time work or lower-paying occupations. While a broader abortion ban is on the horizon, plenty of individual states have already enacted TRAP laws that make getting an abortion more difficult. This legislation has also provided a natural experiment for researchers like Kate Bahn, chief economist at research nonprofit Washington Center for Equitable Growth, who found women in these states were less likely to move into higher-paid occupations. “We know a lot from previous research on the initial expansion of birth control pills and abortion care in the ’70s that, when women have a little more certainty over their family planning, they just make choices differently,” Bahn told Recode. This could lead to more occupational segregation — women’s overrepresentation in certain fields like health care and teaching, for example — which reduces wages in those fields, even when accounting for education, experience, and location. 4) All of the above negatively affect income Curtailing which jobs women get, taking time out of the workforce, receiving less education — all of these hurt women’s pay, which is already lower on average than men’s. One paper by economist Ali Abboud that looked at states where abortion was legal before Roe v. Wade found that young women who got an abortion to delay an unplanned pregnancy for just one year had an 11 percent increase in hourly wages compared to the mean. Jones’s research found that legal abortion access for pregnant young women increased their likelihood of entering a professional occupation by 35 percentage points. The IWPR estimates that if existing abortion restrictions went away, women across the US would make $1,600 more a year on average. Lost income doesn’t just affect women who have unwanted pregnancies, but also their families and their existing children. Income, in turn, affects poverty rates of not only the women who have to go through unwanted pregnancy, but also their existing children. 5) Lack of abortion access limits women’s career aspirations Perhaps most insidiously, lack of abortion access seriously restricts women’s hopes for their own careers. Building on her team’s research in the Turnaway Study, Foster found that women who were unable to get a desired abortion were significantly less likely to have one-year goals related to employment than those who did, likely because those goals would be much harder to achieve while taking care of a newborn. They were also less likely to have one-year or five-year aspirational goals in general. Limiting women’s autonomy over their reproductive rights reinforces the unequal status of women in ways that are both concrete and ephemeral, C. Nicole Mason, president and CEO of IWPR, told Recode. “That’s a very psychic, emotional, psychological feeling — to feel and understand that my equality, my rights, are less than my male counterparts,” she said. ”The law is making it so. The Supreme Court is making it so.”
All Our Losses
One evening about seven years ago in St. Andrews, Scotland, I was walking home from a long day of doctoral research. Most people out that night were not concluding studies. A scattered few exited the ancient city’s meager collection of pubs and restaurants.That ordinary night shifted when a drunken man stumbled out of one of those bars and spotted my Black body. He presented no manifesto. I have no access to the soul-distorting experiences that led him to look upon me with contempt, but seconds after he saw me, he blurted out that most famous of anti-Black racial slurs. I had never been verbally accosted in a British accent and didn’t know that word was international.I performed the assessment that Black folks have performed for centuries. How much danger am I in? Then I remembered I was in Scotland, and therefore the person probably did not have a gun. So I gave him my best cold stare, ready to defend myself if needed. He apparently performed a similar assessment, thought better of it, and moved on. There was nothing particularly special about that day. I had done nothing to antagonize him. I had simply been Black on what may have been a Tuesday, and for that reason alone I was a target of someone else’s rage.The 10 Black people in murdered in Buffalo, New York, lived in a country with a different set of laws than those of the United Kingdom: When the white supremacist Payton Gendron drove 200 miles from his home to a grocery store in a Black neighborhood in Buffalo, he was well armed. They died in a Tops grocery store because they were Black and wanted to buy food on a Saturday in America.[Kathleen Belew: White power, white violence]The massacre unleashed a wave of Black anger and grief. But we don’t know exactly where to put it. Are we mad at the particular person who committed this heinous act? Are we angry with the media personalities who traffic in explicit and implicit anti-Black racism? Are we infuriated by the long history of these events that stalk our people? Are we grieving the innocent lives lost? Perhaps we are upset with churches that seem indifferent to cries of Black pain, or perhaps we hurt because this incident calls to mind our own less deadly experiences of racial trauma. Or perhaps we are reeling because we know that friends and neighbors will denounce this particular evil, but will soon be at the school-board or church-council meetings calling every discussion of racism “critical race theory” and therefore a threat to the republic.I am not sure there is a single source of the pain. I do know that being Black and hungry in America is sufficient to get you killed. Trayvon Martin died on his way home from picking up some Skittles and a cold drink at a convenience store. The encounter with a white woman that would lead to Emmett Till’s murder occurred in a store where he had gone to buy candy.Some might suggest that there is no connection among these three incidents or between the fact that Payton Gendron was apprehended peacefully after allegedly shooting 13 people and that many unarmed Black Americans have died at the hands of police and vigilantes. I say they are connected by the hazards that attach to Black life, which stand in stark contrast to the instinctive honor given to other bodies.But connections are anathema.We are forbidden to notice that Black Americans were murdered while in search of sustenance and Dylann Roof was fed Burger King after his racially motivated attack on a Black church. We must deem it a coincidence that the Black church, a key element of Black communal life, was targeted by Roof in 2015 and the Ku Klux Klan during the height of the civil-rights movement in 1963. We must turn our eyes from the fact that Gendron’s wild claims about “replacement theory” are frighteningly similar to the “You will not replace us” chants that occurred in Charlottesville in 2017.Payton Gendron’s actions must remain alone, disconnected from the recent history of racialized violence. He had nothing to do with that slaughter at Mother Emanuel in Charleston, South Carolina. He bears no relationship to the deaths of Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor, and George Floyd. He cannot be tied to the larger history of anti-Blackness, whose roots lie in the slave trade and later the lynching tree. Jim Crow, that ancient southern terror, can have nothing to do with northern Buffalo in 2022.Gendron’s actions cannot be considered in the context of ongoing efforts to toss out of schools the very historical, legal, and theological tools that would equip us to understand the connections between the present moment and the ones that preceded it.[David Frum: America’s gun plague]The reason Gendron must remain alone is because isolated incidents cannot be stopped, only endured. Isolated incidents can be denounced by all, right and left, without any need to change.But if his actions are linked to American history and current culture, then we must ask about the roles people play in creating or maintaining a culture of anti-Black racism. One person pulled the trigger that ended those lives, and he bears the ultimate responsibility. But culture makes certain ideas and implications thinkable and actionable.To assert that Payton Gendron’s actions were connected to a past and present, then, is not merely an intellectual accent to an idea; it is a revolution with far-reaching political and social implications that many are not willing to endure. Only if we can see these connections do we have a chance of healing.I came home that evening in St. Andrews, Scotland, and had dinner with my family. I didn’t immediately tell my wife about the incident, because I did not want it to ruin our evening. The story felt too complicated for my elementary-school-age children. Dad smiled and pretended.But someone had to explain to the children and grandchildren left behind by the dark events in Buffalo. Those families didn’t have the option of ignoring what happened. They will not eat together again.A question remains for those who still reside in this republic: What do we owe the deceased in Buffalo and all those who preceded them? It cannot be anything less than pursuing the truth and unveiling all the interconnected evils that led to their tragic end.If we have the political will and focus, society can put in place laws that limit gun violence. Churches and other groups can speak with one voice about the evils of racism and the cultural norms that allow them to flourish. If we do that seemingly impossible work, the outcome might be different than we expect. Humans will remain startlingly capable of evil, and we will still have acts of violence. But if racial violence occurred in the context of a more just society, that long-sought myth might finally become flesh. We would have an isolated incident.
Russian Pundit Who Condemned Ukraine War Changes His Mind Two Days Later
Mikhail Khodaryonok gave a rosier take of Russia's campaign in Ukraine on the program 60 Minutes, after a clip of him criticizing Russian forces went viral.
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