Aston Villa-manager vergeeft El Ghazi 'rode waas' bij ruzie met teamgenoot

Aston Villa-manager Dean Smith vergeeft Anwar El Ghazi dat hij maandagavond ruzie kreeg met ploeggenoot Tyrone Mings tijdens het doelpuntloze Premier League-duel met West Ham United. Volgens de coach gebeurt dat soort dingen nu eenmaal.
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The Many Holocausts
Almost inconceivably, the two most acclaimed Holocaust writers were imprisoned in the same Auschwitz sub-camp, Monowitz, at the same time. Some survivors even remembered them occupying the same block. There, they suffered the same unspeakable deprivations, the deadly cold, disease, hunger, and dehumanization. In that insanely polyglot place, they both learned the life-saving lingua franca—German—and miraculously passed through selections. And even after liberation, when tens of thousands still died, they somehow endured.Yet, despite all their shared horrors, Elie Wiesel and Primo Levi emerged with profoundly different versions of the Holocaust’s meaning and lessons. Their memoirs made them national icons, not only because of the compelling voices in which they were told but, even more so, because of what their audiences were willing to hear.Americans would not have listened to the enraged Wiesel who staggered out of Germany’s Buchenwald concentration camp, one of the relative few to have survived the agonizing march from Poland. In the first drafts of what would become his classic, Night, Wiesel expressed fury at the Germans, his family’s Christian neighbours, Jewish collaborators inside the camps, indifferent Jews overseas, and, especially, at God. He described desperate sexual encounters among prisoners likely to die and the rape of German women by newly-liberated survivors. Virtually all this rawness was excised from La Nuit, first published in 1958, under the mentorship of the French Catholic humanist, Francois Charles Mauriac. As noted by the critics Ruth Franklin, Ron Rosenbaum and others, Mauriac condensed an 865-page embittered Yiddish manuscript into 254 pages of literary French all but drained of acrimony. The need for revenge was replaced by acceptance of the silent martyrdom traditionally preferred by the Church. Originally a cry of despair, the description of a Jewish boy’s hanging by the SS became, in Wiesel’s new homogenised version, a parable of saintly suffering.Nevertheless, La Nuit could scarcely find a publisher, must less a wide readership. Nor was it an instant success in America, where the 1960 translation sold just 3,000 copies. Over the next 50 years, though, that number would soar exponentially, surpassing six million. Along the way, Night was selected by Oprah’s Book Club and spent 18 months at the top of the The New York Times bestseller list. Wiesel was awarded a Presidential Medal of Freedom and the Nobel Peace Prize. An entire generation of American high school students learned about the Holocaust almost exclusively from Night.That triumph owed as much to Wiesel as it did to his adopted country. In terms of Holocaust memory, the United States also evolved. During the 1950s and 1960s, the Final Solution was barely discussed, even among American Jews, and then mostly in whispers. The photographs taken at Buchenwald by my Uncle Joe, a U.S. Army officer, were hidden in a cubby under our basement stairs. In five years of Hebrew school, I learned about the miracle of Israel but virtually nothing about the murder of a third of my people 20 years earlier. When, at age 15, I heard a JCC lecture by a frail-looking writer named Elie Wiesel, I was shocked that someone would speak so publicly about Auschwitz. The radical change came in the 1970s, after the Six-Day War gave American Jews the confidence to confront the Holocaust and after the Yom Kippur War dislodged Israel as the centerpiece of American Jewish identity. One result was the Soviet Jewry movement—spurred in part, by Wiesel’s seminal book, The Jews of Silence—but also the burgeoning of Holocaust awareness. Lucy Davidovicz’s The War Against the Jews was published in 1975, followed by the widely-popular TV mini-series Holocaust three years later, and President Carter’s 1979 Commission on the Holocaust, chaired by Elie Wiesel. Holocaust Studies programs proliferated, as did March of the Living-type pilgrimages to Poland. The process climaxed in 1993 with the opening of the $190 million United States Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington, D.C. “A museum is a place is that should bring people together,” Wiesel declared, “not set people apart. People … should feel united in memory [and] bring the living and the dead together in a spirit of reconciliation...”Reconciliation rather than retribution became the message that Wiesel and the museum he championed brought to Americans. “Even in darkness it is possible to create light and encourage compassion,” he wrote, “I still believe in man in spite of man.” Without conceding the uniquely Jewish nature of the Holocaust, and its centrality in his conflicted relationship with God, Wiesel told a different story to his countrymen. This was the hopeful theme of Schindler’s List and the many films and novels about Germans who opposed Nazism and gentiles who saved Jews. It was the purified diary of Anne Frank whose “in spite of everything, I still believe that people are good at heart” anticipated Wiesel.[Read: Elie Wiesel and the agony of bearing witness]Could it have been otherwise? Would Oprah have interviewed a survivor who demanded the eye-for-an-eye execution of six million Germans? Would hundreds of thousands of American young people of all backgrounds pass through a memorial which taught “Never Again” as a pledge to armed resistance rather than a plea for universal love?Elie Wiesel understood that Americans could only be educated about the Holocaust in their own language, affecting and ultimately redemptive. That language had to include, as the Memorial makes clear in the opening of its mission statement, “the Gypsies, the handicapped…Poles… homosexuals, Jehovah’s Witnesses, Soviet prisoners of war and political dissidents,” who were also victims of the Holocaust. And that language could not be overly critical of America. Some scholars have alleged that the museum soft-peddled President Roosevelt’s abandonment of the Jews and President Obama’s refusal to intervene in Syria. At the Holocaust Memorial-sponsored Rotunda ceremony I attended each year as Israel’s ambassador, congressional leaders and administration officials heard praise for the GIs who liberated Dachau, Buchenwald, and Bergen-Belsen, but scarcely a word about America’s refusal to admit Jewish refugees or bomb Auschwitz.Wiesel raised no objection to this omission. His love for America—he carried his U.S. passport in his jacket every day—brought him influence among a succession of presidents and especially Barack Obama, to whom Wiesel passed messages from the Israeli government. Universalism enabled him to speak out in favor of aid to the victims of other genocides, in Serbia, Rwanda, and Darfur, and to defend Israel in the face of mounting liberal criticism. Even when pressed into attending Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s controversial congressional speech against the Iran nuclear deal, Wiesel, already near death, received repeated bipartisan ovations.That degree of celebrity would never be attained by Primo Levi, though he was arguably the finer writer. Like Wiesel, he became his society’s most revered bearer of Holocaust memory. Secular, humanistic, anti-religious, non-militant, and post-national, Levi spoke in a language intelligible to Europeans.Nearly 10 years older than Wiesel at the time of his deportation, Levi belonged to a thoroughly assimilated family that thought of itself as Italian in a way that the Wiesels could never have been Romanian or Hungarian. Arrested as a partisan, he admitted he was Jewish only after concluding, naively, that it would ease his punishment. Yet he was a brilliant chemist who viewed reality through a scientist’s lense, exacting and cold, so different from the young Wiesel’s spiritual, visceral world.[Deborah Lipstadt: Jews are going underground]Though he was a prisoner of Auschwitz for three interminable months longer than Wiesel, was spared hard labor toward the end of the war thanks to his laboratory work, and managed to avert the death march, Levi’s memoirs tell a story almost identical to Weisel’s. His observations, though, are radically different, as are his conclusions. Unlike Wiesel, Levi did not need a Mauriac to tenderize his prose. Tormented by the idea of killing even as a partisan, he refused to hate the Nazis. Indeed, his bitterest scorn was reserved for his bunkmate, Kuhn, who, after surviving a selection, prays to God. “Kuhn is out of his senses,” Levi writes. “If I was God, I would spit at Kuhn’s prayers.” Rather than dream of vengeance, he focused on observing, chronicling to the minutest detail, and commenting on ordinary people subjected to the most monstrous conditions. As his biographer Carole Angier concluded, “He did not just learn in order to survive. On the contrary; he survived in order to learn.”Levi’s humanism appealed to post-war Europeans. Like the Americans, their attitudes toward the Holocaust also evolved. Guilt, initially, was placed solely on the Nazis and assumed by West Germany which alone payed reparations. Decades would pass before France (1995), the Netherlands (2000), Belgium (2007), and Austria (2018) officially assumed responsibility for facilitating the annihilation of Jews. Yet the insistence of historians such as Dieter Pohl, Götz Aly, and Dan Stone on calling the Holocaust a “European project” has yet to achieve widespread acceptance throughout the continent. Culpability, rather, is ascribed to the virulent, provincial nationalism that the European Union was created to supplant. The EU institutions I frequently visited as part of Knesset delegations almost invariably featured exhibitions on the Holocaust and the fight against the fanatic patriotism that produced it. Levi, too, tended to exonerate Europe. If This is a Man, the original title of his classic Survival in Auschwitz, accentuated the personal, rather than the ethnic and religious, nature of the Holocaust’s victims and perpetrators. And if Wiesel never lost faith in humankind, Levi continued to believe in Europe, unreservedly returning to Italy after the war. His secularism also resonated with an EU which formally excluded Christianity as a source of European identity. This was the Europe that beatified the dejudaized Anne Frank, and which praised The Pianist and Life is Beautiful, both films about totally assimilated Jews who experienced no anti-Semitism before the Nazis. And Europe continues to resist viewing the Holocaust as an essentially Jewish trauma. Touring a French cathedral last summer, I was surprised to encounter not one but two Holocaust memorials, both to Jewish converts to Catholicism.Levi’s darkness also resonated with those Europeans for whom an American-style redemption was too mawkish. Rather than subscribe to Wiesel’s “in darkness it is possible to create light,” Europeans preferred Paul Celan’s “black milk of morning we drink you at dusktime,” and Irme Kertész’s Fatelessness and Kaddish for an Unborn Child. Like Kertész, Levi battled depression, and like Celan, he committed suicide. There is little light in Survival in Auschwitz, no more than in the most recent and successful European Holocaust films, Son of Saul and The Painted Bird. By contrast, an American film based on Levi’s work, The Grey Zone, proved too devastating for American viewers and failed at the box office. Levi’s willingness to criticize Israel and his commitment to rationalism, likening human types to elements on the periodic table, further endeared him to Europeans. That same exactitude dominates the Holocaust memorial in Berlin—geometrical, stony, and silent.Still, Levi was not instantly celebrated in Europe. Begun in 1946 and published 10 years later, If This is a Man sold only 1,600 copies. Though it gained in popularity in the 1960s, it was not until the 1970s, that transformative decade in Holocaust awareness, that Levi was able to quit his chemistry job and devote himself to writing. By the time of his death, in 1987, he was recognized as Europe’s Holocaust author par excellence, traveling to schools to talk about his Auschwitz experiences and speaking out against Holocaust deniers. His list of awards was long and, had he lived, would likely have included a Nobel Prize for Literature. Instead, that honor went to Kertész, another dark, rationalistic, fiercely secular Jew who returned to his home country, Hungary, after the war, and later moved to Germany.America and Europe incorporated Wiesel and Levi into their popular narratives. And who is their counterpart in the state that emerged in part as a reaction to the Holocaust and was founded in significant part by its survivors? Which writer speaks of Auschwitz in a voice that Israelis are willing to hear?The answer is virtually none. Israel is no country for the sentimental or the cerebral; Israelis would never have embraced a Wiesel or a Levi or their sentient messages. Night was never a major bestseller in Israel, and many of Levi’s writings were not even translated into Hebrew until after his death. And for good reason. Israelis saw the Holocaust as the inevitable outcome of 2,000 years of Jewish homelessness and Christian hate that ended by independence and armed strength, rather than as a historical aberration to be denied recurrence by tolerance and peace. Nor do they believe that the existential threat ended with the liberation of the camps. For Israelis, it continued with enemy forces—not merely odious ideas—massed on Israel’s borders. More than a personal or human tragedy, the Final Solution was perceived in Israel a national nightmare requiring a firm sovereign response.That muscular view, coupled with the presence of hundreds of thousands of survivors, created a bifurcation in Israel’s Holocaust memory, a clash between Shoah—destruction— and T’Kumah, or rebirth. The schism was evident in the two main repositories of Holocaust memory: Yad Vashem in Jerusalem and the Ghetto Fighters’ Museum, near Haifa, and in the name of the commemoration day, Yom Hashoah v’Gevurah (Holocaust and Heroism day), and even in its date. Israel commemorates the Holocaust not on the internationally-recognized anniversary of the liberation of Auschwitz, but on the anniversary of the Warsaw Ghetto uprising. In the competition between mourning for the victims and lionizing the resisters, the latter clearly won, at least in the state’s early decades.These were the years in which native-born Israelis showed contempt for the millions supposedly slaughtered like sheep and the “sabonim” (soaps) who meekly escaped; when the exigencies of state-building justified the acceptance of the German reparations derided by many survivors as “blood money.” That environment, not surprisingly, produced poets like Abba Kover and Uri Zvi Greenberg who, despite their vast political differences, agreed on a militant, rather than mournful, response to the Holocaust. Novels and paintings, too, depicted the Holocaust but preferred tales of resistance and fantasies of revenge to real-life depictions of the camps. But in Israel, as in Europe and the United States, views of the Holocaust evolved. The first milestone was the 1961 Eichmann trial. Seen by Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion as a platform for reminding the world about the Holocaust, the hearings also forced Israelis to confront their past. Especially poignant was the testimony of writer Yehiel de-Nur—pennamed Ka-Tsetnik, Concentration Camp Inmate—who collapsed in the witness stand. But while he, like Levi and Wiesel, lived through Auschwitz, and wrote what he described as chronicles rather than literature, his books never achieved lasting influence. Quickly overshadowed by the Six-Day War and its heady aftermath, the trial might have faded into Israeli memory if not for the 1973 Kippur War, which triggered a period of introspection throughout Israeli society, including its relationship with the Holocaust. The surprise Egyptian and Syrian attacks, claiming 2,600 lives, proved that Israelis could also experience helplessness.Like America and Europe, Israel began to engage the Holocaust in more nuanced and often agonized way. Young Israeli writers, many of them native-born, began to imagine the experiences of those interned in the camps and even the Nazis who ran them. Dan Pagis, poet and survivor, rose to prominence with his terse, tortured verse, and David Grossman, whose See Under: Love explored the Holocaust from different dimensions, became Israel’s leading novelist. The process climaxed in the late 1980s with the trial in Israel of former Sobibor guard John Demanjuk. As during the Eichmann proceedings a quarter century before, the survivors’ testimony forced Israelis to confront the Holocaust as an intensely personal, rather than national, memory. Demanjuk’s release for lack of evidence only deepened the shock. Those years saw the emergence of Israel’s preeminent Holocaust writer. Though not a survivor of the death camps, Aharon Appelfeld, a refugee from Ukrainian captivity who became a child cook in the Soviet army, nevertheless remained possessed by Holocaust themes. These included foreboding, loss, and, above all, the rootlessness of “a displaced writer of displaced fiction,” as Philip Roth described him. Appelfeld’s was a Holocaust of anger, and bore the mark of his determination to preserve its uniquely Jewish character. Attending a series of lectures he gave toward the end of his life, I was stunned by Appelfeld’s bitterness toward younger Israeli authors who, he claimed, had abandoned their Jewish identity for secular Israeli culture, and whose Hebrew was shorn of Yiddish overtones.Appelfeld’s rancor, his defense of Jewish heritage, and refusal to extract universal or moralistic meaning from the Holocaust appealed to Israeli grit. Still, he would never attain Levi or Wiesel-like stature. One reason is the immediacy of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which can eclipse the horrific events of 80 years ago. Grossman’s fame, like that of Amos Oz and A.B. Yehoshua, owed less to his treatment of the Holocaust than to his promotion of peace. Tension, meanwhile, continues to surround the lessons Israel should draw from the Holocaust—whether as Netanyahu told gatherers at Yad Vashem, “the strong survive, the weak are erased,” or as President Reuven Rivlin said at the same event, “The Holocaust will forever place the Jewish people as eternal prosecutors … against anti-Semitism, racism, and ultra-nationalism.”Most striking of all, though, is the absence of a broad audience for any Holocaust book, even Appelfeld’s. In a country where Holocaust curricula are taught in most schools, where 18-year-olds ritually visit the camps before enlisting, and the Knesset debates incessantly about expanding survivor pensions and extending them to the victims of fascism in North Africa and Iraq, how much awareness can any one writer add? Does Israel, where normal life comes to a complete halt on Holocaust Memorial Day, need another Night or Survival in Auschwitz?The same cannot be said for Europe and the United States, where recent polls indicate an alarming decline of even basic Holocaust knowledge, especially among young people. With the passing of the World War II generation and the rise of extreme right-wing parties around the world, some with fascist pasts, the voices of Wiesel, Levi, and Appelfeld need to be heard more than ever. Now, though, they must speak in a unified language understandable to all audiences, American, European, and Israeli alike. And their message must be one—that the Holocaust teaches us multiple messages, all of them complimentary. It is message of hope, of humanism, and Jewish national rebirth.
In SNL’s cold open, Trump lawyer Alan Dershowitz meets his biggest fan in hell 
Will Heath/NBC/NBCU Photo Bank/Getty Image As Trump’s legal team begins it defense, SNL imagines one of his lawyers taking a quick trip to hell. Following the opening arguments of President Donald Trump’s counsel, Saturday Night Live parodied Republicans’ impeachment trial strategy and skewed the controversial lawyer Alan Dershowitz’s role on Trump’s legal team in its opening sketch. The sketch begins with Beck Bennett’s Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell meeting with Cecily Strong’s Sen. Susan Collins (R-ME) in the Senate. Strong’s Collins brings up a moment in House impeachment manager Rep. Adam Schiff’s closing arguments that Republicans expressed outrage over Friday night — Schiff cited a report that found Republican senators were warned: “‘Vote against the president — and your head will be on a pike.’” As Vox’s Li Zhou wrote, “the outrage was swift,” with GOP senator Sen. John Barrasso summing up the Republicans’ response as: “He has basically offended every Republican senator in there tonight.” Collins was one of the incensed senators, reportedly responding to Schiff from her seat in the Senate chamber, loudly saying, “Not true.” SNL had Collins venting to McConnell after the day’s proceedings concluded, with Strong saying, “I was upset that Adam Schiff said Republicans are afraid of standing up to the president.” She adds, “If Trump tried to intimidate Susan Collins, I’d walk right up to him and say,” she pauses, lowering her head and mumbling before blurting out, “I love you!” Bennett’s McConnell listens, before airing a grievance of his own, expressing frustration over Democrats’ demands the trial include witness testimony and the admission of new evidence. The real McConnell has expressed interest in concluding the trial quickly, and Bennett channeled that desire. “Republicans are simply requesting a fair trial — no witnesses, no evidence,” Bennett says. “That way we can acquit President Trump and focus on the real criminals in this country, teenagers who try marijuana.” The senators’ lamentations are then interrupted by the arrival of Jon Lovitz, playing celebrity lawyer Alan Dershowitz. The lawyer is known for representing sex offender Jeffrey Epstein — and for facing allegations from Epstein survivors that the financier forced them to have sex with Dershowitz as minors. Dershowitz has denied these allegations. “Yes, hello everyone it is I, Alan Dershowitz,” Lovitz says. “It’s wonderful to be here, because I’m not welcome anywhere else.” Giving a satirical preview of the remarks the real Dershowitz is expected to deliver Monday afternoon, Lovitz launches into a defense of the president that includes mention of Epstein and his former client O.J. Simpson before having a heart attack, and descending into hell. That’s when things get weird. Waiting for Lovitz with open arms is the devil — played by Kate McKinnon — who introduces herself as a huge fan. She then sits him down for a podcast, and asks, “How did you come up with this Trump defense? Because years ago you said you don’t need a crime to impeach the president, and now you say you need something crime-like.” The show is poking fun at Dershowitz’s inconsistency on abuse of power, which was highlighted last week when a 1998 interview of the lawyer surfaced. At the time, Dershowitz said a crime wasn’t necessary for the president to be impeached. During an interview with CNN last Sunday, however, he contradicted himself by saying, “without a crime there can be no impeachment” — arguing that abuse of power isn’t an impeachable offense ... despite the president having already been impeached for it. For her next question, McKinnon asks, “Is there anyone you wouldn’t represent?” To this, Lovitz’s response is simple: “As long as a client is famous enough to get me on TV, it’s all good.” The show takes a final dark turn when Epstein, played by Adam Driver, decides to visit his friend. “I love what you’ve been doing for the president,” Driver says. “All we get down here is Fox News, and it’s been a joy to see you work.” Lovitz is then introduced to a group of other inhabitants of hell, including the “Baby Shark” composer, Progressive’s Flo, and Mr. Peanut. Before he can get too comfy, however, he’s whisked away by Bennett’s McConnell, who is a regular visitor of hell (for sauna purposes, of course). “I’ve made a lot of friends here,” Beck says. “And they give me great advice on how to run the Senate.”
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