*** BILDplus Inhalt *** Bye-bye, Bayern! - Hoeneß bestätigt seinen Rückzug

Uli Hoeneß: Bayern-Präsident bestätigt seinen Rückzug BILD hatte am 27. Juli enthüllt, dass Uli Hoeneß als Bayern-Präsident zurücktreten will. Das bestätigte er jetzt.
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Call Off the Party Police
State and local officials across the country are unleashing a new weapon in America’s war against the coronavirus: the cops. Citing parties as the cause of recent clusters of infections in Massachusetts, Governor Charlie Baker recently authorized state and local police to crack down on public and private gatherings that violate social-distancing guidelines. The sheriff’s office in New York City took on new coronavirus duties, including the enforcement of party bans. In Los Angeles, Mayor Eric Garcetti announced that the city will shut off power and water to residences where large gatherings take place, and the county public-health department, in what it described as a “legally binding order,” declared that party hosts will be subject to fines, imprisonment, or both.As long as any clusters of infections are linked to parties, public-health officials will need to figure out how to help people avoid these dangers. Public health is a service industry, and it cannot serve customers without first trying to understand them. Instead of yelling at people for being careless and selfish—a perfectly understandable reaction—let’s start by asking why people are partying.The end of the coronavirus pandemic is not, unfortunately, nigh. As these months drag on, people are seeking out social contact not out of selfishness but because, like going to the grocery store, human connection is an essential activity. Americans are experiencing a pervasive, long-term collective trauma, and our endurance will come from the relationships we’re able to sustain during the pandemic. Social capital—that is, the norms, values, and connections that people share—is an important determinant of how well they can weather and recover from a crisis. If public-health professionals want Americans to persist, they need to adopt messaging and policies that minimize infection while also maximizing resilience and well-being. Instead of turning partygoers into criminals, officials can offer safer ways for people to stay connected—and support struggling businesses in the process—by opening, redesigning, and loosening restrictions on the use of outdoor spaces.Enforcement of social distancing may be ramping up now, but Americans have already spent the past six months policing one another’s behavior. People have been widely shamed for enjoying themselves, even when their fun is relatively innocuous—picnicking in the park, jogging with friends, or simply sprawling out in the sun, margarita in hand. Beach photos have become the iconic image of thoughtless, irresponsible behavior during the pandemic. The underlying message is clear: In this pandemic, pleasure is inessential, even intrinsically suspicious.This preconception has consequences. Outraged by people frolicking on the lakeshore this week in Chicago, Mayor Lori Lightfoot sent the police to barricade the beaches—a relatively low-risk setting for transmission—and threatened to shut them down. The combination of criminalization and unscientific moralism is ineffective and counterproductive, and often leads authorities to take actions that may yield more infection.The coronavirus isn’t the first pathogen that public officials have sent the cops to fight. In 34 states, potentially exposing someone to HIV—including, in some cases, through sexual activity that poses little to no risk of transmission—is a crime. Those laws have been an abject failure. Even if punishment were an appropriate response, structural racism ensures that it is not meted out fairly: In California, for example, Black and Latino people make up half of those with HIV but two-thirds of defendants in HIV-criminalization cases. In a case reported by Steven Thrasher in BuzzFeed News in 2015, the college wrestler Michael Johnson, who is Black, was prosecuted in Missouri for lying to his partners about his HIV status. After a trial rife with demeaning racial and sexual tropes, Johnson was sentenced to 30 years and served five before being freed.No evidence indicates that the laws in question have reduced rates of condomless sex or new HIV infections. Instead, they likely increase transmission. When people know they could be punished for not disclosing their HIV status, they avoid getting tested. In the end, the only thing that criminalization succeeds in deterring is engagement in crucial public-health efforts, especially in marginalized communities that already bear the burden of the epidemic.Before governors and mayors use police to enforce social-distancing guidelines, they should first ask: How much of a problem are parties, really? Whether these gatherings contribute more to the pandemic than other factors, such as indoor dining or unsafe work conditions, is unknown—except, perhaps, to health departments, which rarely release contact-tracing data to the public. Media reports, though, create the impression that parties are central to the problem. Last month, news broke that college students in Alabama had been throwing “COVID parties,” putting money in a pot that went to whoever could catch the virus first. “It makes me furious,” the Tuscaloosa City Councilor Sonya McKinstry told CNN. One news outlet after another picked up this salacious tale, and it exploded on social media, where users decried the alleged partygoers for their stupidity and selfishness.The Tuscaloosa parties turned out to be nothing more than hearsay. A similar story fell apart in May when officials in Walla Walla County, Washington, retracted their assertion that residents were exposing themselves to the coronavirus intentionally. But before being debunked, both claims circulated widely. Moral outrage is just too tempting.Even if people aren’t intentionally trying to get themselves infected, run-of-the-mill gatherings—baby showers, retirement parties, keggers—are indeed happening, and communities need a strategy for reducing their size and frequency. But instead of learning from past mistakes, officials are repeating them.Look no further than New York City to see how this will play out. When police were authorized to enforce social-distancing guidelines, nearly all the arrests were of Black and Latino residents, including several who were punched in the face or knocked unconscious by police officers. In the meantime, not a single ticket was issued in Park Slope, a wealthy and predominantly white neighborhood, despite the crowds that gathered there in Prospect Park. It’s no surprise that New York City’s contact-tracing program, a public-health tool that relies on trust, has had limited success in getting information from people who test positive, who tend to live in the very neighborhoods that have been targeted by law enforcement.In a strategy that may produce the same results as New York City’s, Baker, the governor of Massachusetts, is calling for more intensive law enforcement in areas with the highest rates of transmission—which disproportionately include communities of color. He has also threatened to shut down parks and playgrounds in such areas. Punitive approaches like this will only drive people indoors, where the risk of transmission is greater.Others have better ideas. Bonnie Henry, the provincial health officer in British Columbia, has set an example of highly effective public-health leadership while largely avoiding mandates and police involvement. She has imposed reasonable restrictions with an empathetic approach that sustained the public’s willingness to comply with social-distancing measures. As Henry learned from her experience with Ebola in Uganda, the most effective way to promote healthy behavior during public-health emergencies is with clear communication and support, not punitive measures. Her primary approach to social-distancing recommendations, including parties, has been frequent, compassionate communication with the public, with fines levied only as a last resort. “This is our time to be kind, to be calm, and to be safe,” she regularly reassures British Columbians. As she told The New York Times, “That’s the only way as a community we can get through this without traumatizing people.” Henry is so well loved that a designer shoe was created in her honor.Compassionate messaging can go a long way toward building trust and supporting healthier behavior, but it’s not the only tool at our disposal. Public-health professionals can use contact-tracing efforts and research studies to understand what drives high-risk behaviors and which interventions would help people forgo those activities. State officials can collaborate with community leaders, especially in hard-hit neighborhoods, to promote attractive alternatives to indoor gatherings. In redesigned outdoor spaces, people can safely exercise, listen to local musicians, watch theater performances, and enjoy food and beverage trucks. The city of Oakland, California, has created miles of “slow streets” where residents can recreate and interact with plenty of distancing, transforming the city into one that’s more walkable, bikeable, and—yes—fun. Permitting to-go drinks from restaurants and bars, and letting people consume them outside with appropriate limitations, could lure partygoers out of their home. In Toronto, loosened rules around licensing of outdoor spaces allowed a beach-themed beer garden to pop up in a parking lot, complete with food from local restaurants and sand, in a neighborhood where few residents have access to private outdoor space. Too hot in the summer? Bring in the misting fans. Too cold in the winter? Set up the heat lamps.Policing won’t help Americans persevere during this ordeal; compassion and creativity will. Indoor gatherings are not advisable during a pandemic, but scolding and retribution will only impede public-health efforts. If officials want to help people avoid the potential harms of parties, they need to earn the public’s trust as partners who offer scientific and practical advice on how to sustain well-being in a pandemic—not as law enforcers from whom the public will want to hide.
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Those sorts of moments could be lost forever if the conventions don’t return in more than minimalist form.In some ways, the choreographed conventions of old won’t be missed. “They’re completely obsolete—they never matter anymore,” Susan Estrich, who ran the Democratic nominee Michael Dukakis’s 1988 campaign and has helped manage several conventions, told me. Brian Ballard, a Trump fundraiser, is every bit as blunt. “Conventions are going away, and this may be the beginning of the end of them,” he told me.For safety, the parties are pushing much of the proceedings online. Biden won’t travel to Milwaukee, the Democratic convention’s host city, for his speech accepting the nomination. Trump still hasn’t revealed exactly where he’ll be for his own address during the Republican convention, but he’s been loath to let the virus trample his moment. His campaign anticipates a mix of videos and live events, culminating in an acceptance speech whose location has ping-ponged up and down the East Coast as his variable moods dictate.This week, he teased that he’ll give the speech at either the White House or the old Civil War battlefield in Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, both settings that raise ethical questions about the use of public resources for a partisan purpose. (I was interviewing Walter Shaub, a former director of the U.S. Office of Government Ethics and a Trump critic, at the moment the president tweeted that he might give the speech at Gettysburg. “Holy crap! Oh my God,” Shaub said when I read him the tweet. “Gettysburg is a national park! Basically, a political party is seizing control of a public park if that happens.” Shaub’s old office issued an opinion earlier this week that Trump is legally permitted to give the speech from the White House should he choose to.)[Read: How Americans became part of the Trump family]Mary Trump, the president’s niece and the author of a new book about him, Too Much and Never Enough, told me that holding the event at a taxpayer-owned site might have to suffice for a president deprived of the thrill that comes with gazing out at a rapt audience. “He acts like a toddler,” she said. “It may not be as fun or gratifying for him, because he won’t get the energy from the crowds. But it will mean that he’s pulling rank … And that will be fun for him.”Faulting Trump for his insistence on a camera-friendly show at the expense of long-standing norms and, possibly, federal ethics laws is easy enough. But while the scale and audacity of Trump’s plans surpass that of his predecessors, the political world has long used the conventions to maximum advantage.Starting with their birth in the 1830s, the conventions were primarily tools for party bosses to pick the nominees. The delegates at the 1924 Democratic convention in New York City took more than 100 ballots to settle on a candidate. Reforms passed after the 1968 conventions forced delegates to vote according to their state’s primary results, democratizing the method of determining the winners. From that point on, a delegate’s main role has been to ratify a preordained nominee.“People talk as if ‘Jeez, maybe Bernie Sanders will get the nomination after all,’ or ‘What do we do if the convention is gridlocked?’ Come on!” says Byron E. Shafer, a University of Wisconsin political-science professor who wrote about conventions in his book Bifurcated Politics. “The same people might as well believe that Ulysses S. Grant is about to return and be president.”Over the years, the conventions have become over-the-top vehicles to reintroduce the ticket and showcase rising political talent. Hollywood inspiration and corporate money have combined to keep the audience enthralled while delivering the nominees a polling bounce. The producer of the Super Bowl halftime show has helped stage Democratic conventions for years. Movie executives have produced the polished films “introducing” the candidates. Most Americans probably didn’t realize that when Bill Clinton called himself the “comeback kid” on the night of his nomination in 1992, the line had been suggested for him by an old friend, Linda Bloodworth-Thomason, who’d gained fame by creating the hit TV shows Evening Shade and Designing Women.All the extravagance isn’t cheap. Over the years, the parties have enlisted big businesses and lobbyists to help underwrite the show, injecting whiffs of influence pedaling. On the sidelines, banks, retailers, and other well-heeled groups host parties during the conventions to forge closer ties to people in power. COVID-19 could permanently put an end to the four-day spectacles if this year’s experiments work out. A virtual convention is, at some level, political operatives’ dream, because so much more is under their tight control. Logistics aren’t as messy, travel costs not nearly as high. Elaine Kamarck, a Democratic delegate from Massachusetts, told me she’s already voted virtually for the party’s platform and rules, and cast her ballot for Biden to be the party’s nominee. “A lot depends on how these two conventions look and how many viewers they attract,” said Kamarck, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution and the author of Primary Politics. “If the conventions are really well produced, then the traditional in-the-hall cheering may not come back.” On Wednesday, the third night of the Democratic convention, many Massachusetts delegates will be watching the action not in Milwaukee, but on a big-screen TV at the old Suffolk Downs horse-race track in East Boston.Fewer people in attendance means less can go wrong. A running drama before the 2016 Democratic convention was whether Sanders supporters would try to embarrass the nominee, Hillary Clinton. And indeed, they did. When the Vermont senator implored his supporters to elect Clinton during a speech, they booed.[Read: Bernie Sanders supporters: ‘People are going to protest’]Nothing like that should unfold when Democrats meet next week. Only a couple hundred people are expected in Milwaukee, down from the tens of thousands that the party had anticipated before the coronavirus took hold. No state delegations will be coming. Wisconsin officials will call the convention to order and deliver speeches live from the Wisconsin Center. Production crews will package feeds and send them out to TV audiences. For the nominee, the upside is “you don’t have to listen to dissident delegates—they’re all at home,” says Shafer, who has attended every convention since 1980. “They can’t mount a counter-demonstration—they’re not there. They can’t walk out—because they can’t walk in.”Gone too, though, is the raucous interplay between the party speakers and the crowd. While Trump may well get his grand backdrop, he won’t be able to re-create the thrill of an arena audience chanting “Four more years!” before the balloons drop. Tamer livestream events could also drive away the TV audience he craves. Whatever pitch he makes to undecided voters—if he even makes one—won’t matter if no one is watching.“Do you really think the people in the middle are going to turn off Hulu and Netflix and YouTube and say, ‘I want to hear another Trump speech from the White House castigating Biden’? No,” Estrich told me. “And Biden? Let’s face it. He has many strengths as a leader; a memorable speaker is not one of them. He’s given two acceptance speeches at conventions. Can you remember a single line?”Should the conventions permanently fade, would-be stars could miss their chance to launch. A fair argument can be made that Barack Obama wouldn’t have become president had he not delivered his memorable keynote speech at the 2004 Democratic convention. (“There’s not a black America and a white America and Latino America and Asian America—there’s the United States of America.”) And the nation’s shared political lore will inevitably suffer. Hard as the organizers work to stave off unwanted drama, reality always intrudes, revealing some important truths about the fraught state of our politics.When Senator Ted Cruz of Texas spoke at the 2016 GOP convention, he was booed for not endorsing Trump—an episode that drove home the bitter divide that Trump’s GOP takeover had spawned. (Cruz and Trump would later set aside differences and become allies.) When Bill Clinton gave a 35-minute speech at the 1988 convention, cheers rose up when he announced he was nearly done. The cold rebuke may have made an impression: Four years later, he won the presidency partly on the strength of speeches that appealed to voters struggling through a recession. In a blow to party unity, a defeated Ted Kennedy refused at the 1980 Democratic convention to give President Jimmy Carter what he wanted: a photo of the two standing together onstage, hands clasped and raised high.“I would hate to lose the theater of politics, which is so important to keeping people captivated,” Mike McCurry, Clinton’s former White House press secretary, told me. A virtual convention may be safer. It may be cheaper. It may be the future. But it will be inescapably more bland. And we’ll be poorer for it.
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