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Tiger King Joe Exotic Wishes He Could See Himself 'Being Famous' While in Mandatory Quarantine
"You know it would be nice if I could actually see me being famous out there, but I've seen these same four walls for a year and a half now," he told Netflix.
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newsweek.com
April Class of KidsPost: Sixth-graders at Gunston Middle School in Arlington
Luz Chamorro’s third-period class likes soccer, Ariana Grande and a lot of authors.
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washingtonpost.com
Consider the Possibility That Trump Is Right About China
When a new coronavirus emerged in China and began spreading around the world, including in the United States, President Donald Trump’s many critics in the American foreign-policy establishment were quick to identify him as part of the problem. Trump had campaigned on an “America first” foreign policy, which after his victory was enshrined in the official National Security Strategy that his administration published in 2017. At the time, I served in the administration and orchestrated the writing of that document. In the years since, Trump has been criticized for supposedly overturning the post–World War II order and rejecting the role the United States has long played in the world. Amid a global pandemic, he’s being accused—on this site and elsewhere—of alienating allies, undercutting multinational cooperation, and causing America to fight the coronavirus alone.And yet even as the current emergency has proved him right in fundamental ways—about China specifically and foreign policy more generally—many respectable people in the United States are letting their disdain for the president blind them to what is really going on in the world. Far from discrediting Trump’s point of view, the COVID-19 crisis reveals what his strategy asserted: that the world is a competitive arena in which great power rivals like China seek advantage, that the state remains the irreplaceable agent of international power and effective action, that international institutions have limited capacity to transform the behavior and preferences of states.[Kori Schake: ]The damage that ‘America first’ has doneChina, America’s most powerful rival, has played a particularly harmful role in the current crisis, which began on its soil. Initially, that country’s lack of transparency prevented prompt action that might have contained the virus. In Wuhan, the epicenter of the outbreak, Chinese officials initially punished citizens for “spreading rumors” about the disease. The lab in Shanghai that first published the genome of the virus on open platforms was shut down the next day for “rectification,” as the Hong Kong-based South China Morning Post reported in February. Apparently at the behest of officials at the Wuhan health commission, news reports indicate, visiting teams of experts from elsewhere in China were prevented from speaking freely to doctors in the infectious-disease wards. Some experts had suspected human-to-human transmission, but their inquiries were rebuffed. “They didn’t tell us the truth,” one team member said of the local authorities, “and from what we now know of the real situation then, they were lying” to us. Now China’s propagandists are competing to create a narrative that obscures the origins of the crisis and that blames the United States for the virus. This irresponsible behavior and lack of transparency revealed what Trump’s National Security Strategy had identified early on: that “contrary to our hopes, China expanded its power at the expense of others.” Instead of becoming a “responsible stakeholder”—a term George W. Bush’s administration used to describe the role it hoped Beijing would play following China’s entry into the World Trade Organization in 2001—the Chinese Communist Party used the advantages of WTO membership to advance a political and economic system at odds with America’s free and open society. Previous National Security Strategy documents had tiptoed around China’s adversarial conduct, as if calling out that country as a competitor—as the 2017 document unequivocally did—was somehow impolite.[Lindsay Gorman: ]5G is where China and the West finally divergeBut at some point, an American administration needed to shift the conversation away from hopes for an imagined future China to the realities of the Communist Party’s conduct—which is hardly a secret. For the decade and a half prior to 2017, Republican and Democratic leaders publicly worried about China’s unwillingness to play by the rules, but were reluctant to deal head on with China’s authoritarian government and statist economy. The bipartisan U.S.-China Economic Security Commission has consistently called out China’s unfair practices. In 2010, President Barack Obama lambasted China before the G-20 for its currency manipulation. The need to compete effectively with the policies of the Chinese Communist Party is one of the few points of agreement between Trump and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi. Even as he seeks to find ways to conclude reciprocal trade agreements, his administration has not lost sight of China’s aggressive rise.At least as controversial as Trump’s critique of China is his emphasis on the importance of sovereignty and his insistence that strong sovereign states are the main agents of change. But states are the foundation of democratic governance and, fundamentally, of security. It is the citizens of states who vote and hold leaders accountable. And it is states that are the foundation of military, political, and economic power in alliances such as NATO, or organizations like the United Nations.Trump’s emphasis on protecting U.S. sovereignty brought to a boil a simmering national debate about the overlooked costs of globalization. A blind adherence to what the economist Dani Rodrik has called “hyper-globalization”—the idea that the interests of big corporations and the principle of market integration took precedence over widely shared prosperity and economic security—had come at the expense of domestic industries. For years, people who complained about these consequences were dismissed as isolationists or as being on “the wrong side of history.”[Peter Beinart: ]Trump’s break with China has deadly consequencesThe coronavirus experience demonstrates that economic interaction does not occur in a vacuum of geopolitical competition. Dependence on China for crucial medical equipment throughout the pandemic has illuminated the dangers of a hyper-globalized economy. Experts had warned of American dependence on key drug ingredients from China. The Wall Street Journal has reported that China is the only maker of key ingredients for certain classes of drugs, including established antibiotics that treat a range of bacterial infections such as pneumonia. American reliance on Chinese suppliers for other pharmaceuticals and medical supplies is also worrisome. Americans should not depend on an authoritarian rival state for its citizens’ health—any more than the United States and other free and open societies should give Chinese companies, and by extension the Chinese Communist Party, control over communications infrastructure and sensitive personal data.Many of President Trump’s critics in the foreign-policy community put great stock in the ability of multilateral and international organizations to constrain the misbehavior of China and other states. These organizations, at their best, promote concerted action against commonly recognized problems. But Trump’s critics tend to view them mainly in their idealized form and as the central instruments to solve global problems and advance values shared by all. In practice, though, how international organizations perform is profoundly influenced by power relationships among member states.China’s leaders have become quite skillful at using in these bodies to pursue their own interests. President Xi Jinping has made it a priority—as he put it in a 2018 speech—to “reform” and lead in the “global governance system,” viewing such efforts as integral to “building a modern, strong socialist country.” Despite its record of stealing patented technologies, China tried to lead the World Intellectual Property Organization, an effort thwarted by Washington. Chinese tech companies to have sought to induce the United Nations adopt their facial-recognition and surveillance standards, to clear the way for the deployment of their technologies around the world.The Trump administration’s National Security Strategy challenged the assumption that international organizations are always driven by a common global good. China’s undue influence in key international organizations was evident most recently, when the World Health Organization hesitated to declare COVID-19 a public-health emergency of international concern. WHO officials amplified Chinese officials’ early claims that the virus posed no danger of human-to-human transmission. The head of the organization even congratulated China’s top leadership for its “openness to sharing information.” Apparently seeking to avoid Beijing’s wrath, the WHO refused to respond to Taiwan’s early concerns about human-to-human transmission of the virus outbreak in Wuhan.The COVID-19 experience, although far from over, has generated strong evidence that, while the WHO and other international organizations are of course important for information sharing and coordination, nations continue to do the heavy lifting. The United States remains the largest contributor to the WHO, paying about 15 percent of the organization’s budget—compared with China’s 0.21 percent. In early March, Trump signed a supplemental appropriations act that included $1.3 billion in additional U.S. foreign assistance for pandemic response. Most recently, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo announced an additional $274 million in emergency funding for at-risk countries. This aid does not come with the strings that China attaches to its aid.Contrary to what critics argue, “America first” does not mean “America alone.” That Trump might be introducing needed correctives to the hyper-globalization pursued by earlier administrations is generating serious cognitive dissonance in some quarters. And the reality is that only one organization in the entire world has as its sole responsibility the American people’s safety. That institution is the U.S. government. Whether led by Republicans or Democrats—or by Donald Trump or anyone else—it should always put the American people first.
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theatlantic.com
Trump suggests firing watchdog was payback for impeachment
President Donald Trump is suggesting that he fired the inspector general for the intelligence community in retaliation for impeachment, saying the official was wrong to provide an anonymous whistleblower complaint to Congress as the law requires
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abcnews.go.com
How one Silicon Valley factory keeps running in the age of coronavirus
The managers at Green Circuits — a small Silicon Valley electronics factory — thought they would have to close when the San Francisco Bay Area directed non-essential businesses to shut almost three weeks ago.
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reuters.com
Expert advising Boris Johnson's government says it is not clear whether the UK will 'see a long flat peak, or a much faster decline'
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edition.cnn.com
No parties, no problem: Introverts don't mind sheltering at home
With her painting, baking and near-constant gardening, Stephanie Hollowell kept busy at home even before efforts to stem the coronavirus pandemic meant she had to stay inside the Dallas, Texas house she calls her little kingdom.
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reuters.com
Pope Francis celebrates Palm Sunday without public in St. Peter's
Pope Francis is celebrating Palm Sunday Mass without the public, since the traditional ceremony in St. Peter’s Square was scrapped because of the coronavirus pandemic.
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foxnews.com
The Revolution Is Only Getting Started
Fear sweeps the land. Many businesses collapse. Some huge fortunes are made. Panicked consumers stockpile paper, food, and weapons. The government’s reaction is inconsistent and ineffectual. Ordinary commerce grinds to a halt; investors can find no safe assets. Political factionalism grows more intense. Everything falls apart.This was all as true of revolutionary France in 1789 and 1790 as it is of the United States today. Are we at the beginning of a revolution that has yet to be named? Do we want to be? That we are on the verge of a major transformation seems obvious. The onset of the next Depression, a challenge akin to World War II, a national midlife crisis—these comparisons have been offered and many more. But few are calling our current moment a revolution, and some have suggested that the coronavirus pandemic—coinciding as it has with the surge in Joe Biden’s bid for the Democratic presidential nomination and the decline of Bernie Sanders’s—marks the end of any such possibility. “The Coronavirus Killed the Revolution,” declared the headline of a recent essay in The Atlantic by Shadi Hamid, who argued that the COVID-19 crisis makes people crave “normalcy” over deep structural change. As a historian of 18th- and 19th-century France, I think claims like these are mistaken.An urgent desire for stability—for a fast resolution to upheaval—is in fact absolutely characteristic of any revolutionary era. “I pray we will be finished by Christmas,” wrote one beleaguered member of the French Constituent Assembly to a good friend in October 1789. In reality, of course, the assembly took another two years to finish its tasks, after which another assembly was elected; a republic was declared; Louis XVI was put on trial and executed in January 1793; General Napoleon Bonaparte became “first consul” in 1799 and emperor in 1804; Europe found itself engulfed in wars from 1792 to 1815. In short, life never went back to how it had been before 1789.[Read: The social-distancing culture war has begun]The United States may not be having a revolution right now, but we are surely living in revolutionary times. If we do not perceive them as such, it is because news coverage and everyday conversations alike turn on nonhuman agents. Instead of visionary leaders or outraged crowds, viruses, markets, and climate change seem to shape events today. History feels like it is out of our hands.People sometimes imagine yesterday’s revolutions as planned and carried out by self-conscious revolutionaries, but this has rarely, if ever, been the case. Instead, revolutions are periods in which social actors with different agendas (peasants stealing rabbits, city dwellers sacking tollbooths, lawmakers writing a constitution, anxious Parisians looking for weapons at the Bastille Fortress) become fused into a more or less stable constellation. The most timeless and emancipatory lesson of the French Revolution is that people make history. Likewise, the actions we take and the choices we make today will shape both what future we get and what we remember of the past.Analogies between the first months of the French Revolution and our current moment are easy to draw. Anthony Fauci, the infectious-diseases expert whom President Donald Trump often sidelines or ignores, is Jacques Necker, the popular finance minister to Louis XVI. Necker’s firing in early July 1789 was viewed widely as a calamity: “It was like losing your father,” the mathematician and astronomer Jean Sylvain Bailly wrote in his memoirs. The recent spike in American gun and ammunition sales recalls the Parisians who stormed the Bastille Fortress in the hope of finding weapons and gunpowder. (They incidentally released a handful of individuals imprisoned there, but that was not the crowd’s original intent.) The conflict among city, state, and federal officials over coronavirus-related closures directly parallels 1789’s municipal revolutions, in which some cities had leaders who quickly proclaimed devotion to the new National Assembly, while the leaders of other cities remained loyal to the old structures of absolutist royal power and the mayors and aldermen of yet others were violently deposed.That comparisons can so easily be made between the beginning of the French Revolution and the United States today does not mean that Americans are fated to see a Reign of Terror or that a military dictatorship like Napoleon’s looms large in our future. What it does mean is that everything is up for grabs. The United States of America can implode under external pressure and its own grave contradictions, or it can be reimagined and repurposed. Life will not go back to normal for us, either, because the norms of the past decades are simply no longer tenable for huge numbers of Americans. In a single week in March, 3.3 million American workers filed new unemployment claims. The following week, 6.6 million more did the same. Middle-class Americans who placed their retirement savings in the stock market have recently experienced huge losses. Even before the pandemic, black Americans on average had only 7 percent of the wealth of white ones (Native Americans, even less). Among non-Hispanic white Americans, deaths from drug abuse, suicide, and alcohol continue to rise. Nearly 2.5 million people are incarcerated. Trust in existing institutions (including the Electoral College and Congress) was already vanishingly small. Is it safe to go grocery shopping in a pandemic? Should we wear masks? Nobody knows who to believe.[Read: Red and blue America aren’t experiencing the same pandemic]Much like the past 40 years in the United States and Western Europe, the 1700s were a period of remarkable economic, social, and technological transformation. Comparatively cheap mass-manufactured goods from Britain and China sparked what historians call the 18th-century “consumer revolution.” In the 1780s, four-fifths of working-class Parisian households had more than 10 dishes in their cupboards, and more than half had a gold watch (in the 1720s, the figures were 20 percent and 5 percent). Whole new media forms emerged—the modern novel, easily reproduced prints, mass-market newspapers heavy on advertisements—as did new physical places (coffee shops, lending libraries, Freemason lodges) and virtual spaces (“the Republic of Letters” and “public opinion”) where those works were discussed and debated.As sources of information proliferated, long-standing sources of authority (monarchy, aristocracy, and the established Church) feared losing power and turned reactionary. At the same time, the longer-term transformations on which these social and cultural innovations were built—the growth of European overseas empires and the emergence of settler colonialism, massive silver exports from South and Central America, the trans-Atlantic slave trade—continued, and in ever more brutal forms. More than 6 million Africans were sold into slavery in the 18th century—a time that some still call the “Age of Enlightenment.”In the summer of 1789, as peasants attacked chateaus and revolutionaries vowed to “abolish privilege,” many members of the elite felt that their world had suddenly fallen apart. In truth, it had been disintegrating for decades. Today, as in the 1790s, an old order is ending in convulsions. Even before the coronavirus prompted flight cancellations and entry bans, climate activists were rightly telling us to change our modes and patterns of travel. Even before nonessential businesses were shut by government orders, online shopping and same-day deliveries were rapidly remaking retail commerce, while environmental concerns and anti-consumerism were revolutionizing the fashion industry. The pandemic and resulting public-health crisis have caused an abrupt and salutary revaluation in which cleaners, care workers, grocery-store stockers, and delivery drivers are gaining recognition for the essential work they have been doing all along. Taken together, these changes may not look like a revolution—but real revolutions are the ones that nobody sees coming.[Shadi Hamid: The coronavirus killed the revolution]The men and women who made the French Revolution—a revolution which, in a few short and hectic years, decriminalized heresy, blasphemy, and witchcraft; replaced one of the oldest European monarchies with a republic based on universal male suffrage; introduced no-fault divorce and easy adoption; embraced the ideal of formal equality before the law; and, for a short time at least, defined employment, education, and subsistence as basic human rights—had no model to follow, no plans, no platform agreed upon in advance. As the UCLA historian Lynn A. Hunt has argued, they made it up as they went along. Yet for more than two centuries, elements of their improvised politics have been revolution’s signature features: a declared sovereignty, devised symbols, an anthem, war. At the junction Americans face today, however, we need to imitate not the outcome of the French revolution but the energy, creativity, and optimism of the French revolutionaries.Human beings are responsible both for much of what is wrong and for much of what could be right about the world today. But we have to take responsibility. In hindsight a revolution may look like a single event, but they are never experienced that way. Instead they are extended periods in which the routines of normal life are dislocated and existing rituals lose their meaning. They are deeply unsettling, but they are also periods of great creativity. As some Americans take shelter in their homes from a newly arrived threat and others put their health at risk to combat it, we can all mourn lost certainties, but we can also set about intentionally creating new possibilities. To claim this moment as a revolution is to claim it for human action.
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theatlantic.com
Exclusive: Planned $1 billion U.S. aid cut would hit Afghan security force funds: sources
A planned $1 billion cut in U.S. aid to Afghanistan would come from funds for Afghan security forces, according to three U.S. sources, a step experts said would undercut both Kabul's ability to fight the Taliban and its leverage to negotiate a peace deal with them.
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reuters.com
Op-Ed: I spent my childhood preparing for calamity. No wonder the coronavirus crisis feels familiar
Some people see the coronavirus pandemic in apocalyptic terms. But let's instead take it as a push to build a better world.
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latimes.com
Alcoholics Anonymous members find support online during coronavirus pandemic
To fill the void in this new era of social distancing, Alcoholics Anonymous has, out of necessity, brought its gatherings online.
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edition.cnn.com
Op-Ed: My life as a meme: How 'Directed by Robert B. Weide' signals satire
The signature ending of "Curb Your Enthusiasm" has inspired hundreds of memes that end with "Directed by Robert B. Weide," except he had nothing to do with them.
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latimes.com
Flashback: Fast Times at Ridgemont High (1982)
Amy Heckerling’s '80s comedy sincerely captured how it felt to be on the cusp of adulthood.
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slate.com
Letters to the Editor: Gavin Newsom's eviction delay policy is fair to renters and landlords
Landlords who must continue to maintain their properties cannot go without rental income indefinitely; Newsom's eviction delay policy recognizes that.
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latimes.com
Newt Gingrich: Coronavirus harming our economic health – but government programs can help businesses survive
As the federal government advises social distancing and governors across the country implement stay-at-home orders to mitigate the virus, Americans are not going out to spend money.
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foxnews.com
Letters to the Editor: Technology can't replace teachers, and coronavirus closures prove it
Coronavirus closures are giving school districts an opportunity to evaluate their online learning efforts and how important teachers are to those programs.
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latimes.com
D.C.-area forecast: Warmer today and through much of the week, with occasional chances for scattered light showers
Highs reach the 60s and 70s through midweek despite plenty of clouds.
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washingtonpost.com
Editorial: The absurdity of life without parole for juveniles
Judges aren't wizards who can see the future, so it's absurd to grant them legal power to brand any juveniles as incorrigible.
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latimes.com
How Divergent Author Veronica Roth Learns From Criticism
And how Kate Winslet helped.
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slate.com
Coronavirus, Masks, Larry David: Your Weekend Briefing
Here’s what you need to know about the week’s top stories.
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nytimes.com
Letters to the Editor: It's ridiculous to consider apartment renovation an 'essential' business
Construction workers can transmit viruses too, and apartment dwellers who are home all day don't appreciate the noise. It's time for construction work to halt.
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latimes.com
Why the People Behind Quibi Are So Confident
It was built to be watched in stolen moments of the crowded hours between 7 a.m. and 7 p.m.—in a pause on the subway platform, a slog through an airport-security line, a wait in an afternoon carpool queue. So what is the current rationale for Quibi, the new short-form mobile-video platform that debuts tomorrow, in the wide sea of unstructured days, enforced isolation, and social distancing due to the coronavirus?Jeffrey Katzenberg and Meg Whitman say they have an app for that, or at least an argument for it. They’re the founders of the new “quick bites” streaming service, backed by Hollywood’s biggest studio players and A-list content creators with the goal of delivering filmed entertainment in installments of 10 minutes or less.“People have said, ‘I’m stuck in the house, I’m home-schooling, I need a break,’” Whitman, the former CEO of eBay and Hewlett-Packard told me on a Zoom conference call with Katzenberg the other day. “‘I’m trying to keep everyone glued together and I need a 10-minute break. And by the way, I might watch three, four, five, six episodes of something that you have to offer.’ So I think people are going to come in new ways.” Katzenberg, the veteran Disney executive and co-founder of DreamWorks SKG, added: “People have a ton of time, but as Meg said, it’s not like they’re at home doing nothing. I don’t know about you, but I’ve been working all day long.”That may well be so. But providing diversion from a pandemic was definitely not the goal when Katzenberg and Whitman raised $1.75 billion in investment capital—and sold out their entire $150 million in first-year advertising availability—to create a platform on which harried mobile-phone users could consume theatrical-quality films, documentaries, reality series, game shows, and news in easily digestible portions. What’s more, Quibi is entering a streaming-video field that is getting more crowded by the day. WarnerMedia’s HBO Max is set to launch in May, and NBC’s Peacock in July, joining Disney+. But the other services will feature longer-format content, as well as such classic, proven content as Friends and Seinfeld. So Katzenberg and Whitman insist that Quibi has a chance to occupy a new and unique niche.Serial storytelling is as old as Dickens, and as current as the blockbuster best-selling novels of Dan Brown and James Patterson, whose trademark super-short chapters are designed to be read in small doses before bedtime. When I asked why he and Whitman believe there is a market for this latest blend of Silicon Valley technology and the Hollywood dream factory (at $4.99 a month with ads, $7.99 without), Katzenberg brandished his smartphone remotely on my laptop’s screen. “Because this device,” he said, “has changed everything, in a way that’s created a fantastic new opportunity. We admire the amazing creativity and entrepreneurial things that have happened around this, whether it’s YouTube or Snapchat or Instagram TV or all these different things. But what none of them have actually had the resources to even attempt to do … is to match Hollywood-style, triple-A, best-in-class storytellers with the financial resources to be able to tell these types of stories.”[Read: Escape from quarantine with a Western movie]The distinguishing feature of the platform is a proprietary technology called Turnstyle, which allows a viewer to seamlessly shift a phone’s orientation from vertical (portrait) to horizontal (landscape). In the fullest use of the technology, shifting the orientation of the phone automatically changes the view. So the user can go from seeing the same screen a character in the film is seeing on a Ring Alarm security system to then seeing a prowler at the front door—and back again. Or the content can be watched straight through all in one perspective or the other. “I think this will be big on social media,” Whitman said, “because people will say, ‘Have you seen what Quibi can do?’”Technological adaptation has been the salvation of Hollywood for the better part of a century—from talking pictures to television to video recorders to streaming digital video. But whether Quibi will turn out to be the next Netflix, an economic and creative game changer in the entertainment landscape, or the latest version of fads such as Smell-O-Vision and 3-D, is an open question.But if consumer appetite for such a service remains unproven (the core target audience is 18-to-44-year-old viewers), Quibi’s appeal for Hollywood’s creative community is already undisputed—at least in the short term. The chance to create content in a radically new format has sparked filmmakers’ imagination. The roughly two-and-a-half-by-five-inch vertical aspect ratio of an iPhone is, to say the least, not the typical frame for cinematic storytelling, but Katzenberg said directors have been stimulated by the challenge of shooting each movie two ways at once. “You make it sound like it’s a liability,” he said. “They were genuinely excited about it.”The initial investors included Disney, NBCUniversal, Sony Pictures Entertainment, Viacom, WarnerMedia, Lionsgate, MGM, and the British ITV. “And while we’re very pleased to have their investment,” Whitman said, “what was most important was that they gave us access to their best [content] and their best show-running talent.” She added, “And they think if we’re successful, this screen—the small screen—may well be the next big era in filmed entertainment.”[Read: The pandemic is hitting one part of Hollywood especially hard]Stars such as Jennifer Lopez, Nicole Richie, Idris Elba, Liam Hemsworth, and Reese Witherspoon have all signed up. Chrissy Teigen, a longtime fan of Judge Judy, will do a courtroom show of her own (Katzenberg quoted the tagline: “There is no claim that is too small for Chrissy’s Court”). And Katzenberg’s old partner Steven Spielberg has created After Dark, “a super-scary story,” Katzenberg said, that will be available on a subscriber’s phone only after the sun has gone down in the viewer’s location.The overall content is divided into three broad groups: movies in chapters (one is a reboot of The Fugitive starring Kiefer Sutherland, in which an innocent person is framed for a terrorist act); unscripted series and documentaries (including a cooking show with Andy Samberg); and “daily essentials” (six-minute news segments produced each day by the likes of NBC News, the BBC, ESPN, and Entertainment Weekly). In all, Quibi will publish more than 30 pieces of original content every day, five days a week—plus fresh news and sports on the weekend. That’s more daily content than a prime-time network lineup.One reason Katzenberg and Whitman were determined to raise so much capital before launch is cost of quality content. Their most ambitious programming will cost about $100,000 a minute—or about $7.5 million for an hour’s worth of short segments, comparable to the per-minute cost of a TV series such as Game of Thrones. Whitman said they expect that about 75 percent of subscribers will choose the cheaper version with ads, and that the overall revenue mix will be about two-thirds subscriptions and one-third advertising. The platform is offering free 90-day trial subscriptions to those who sign up before April 20, in a bid to lure viewers.Both Katzenberg and Whitman acknowledged that while the platform’s content has been commissioned based largely on that oldest of Hollywood barometers—gut feeling—hard data will drive its future course, and its success or failure. Quibi is strictly a platform, not a studio; all its content will be produced by someone else, and Whitman said the studios were frank about the new enterprise’s potential appeal. “They said, ‘None of us could do this by ourselves; none of us could make enough content for it to be a rich and unique experience,’’’ she told me. “They said, ‘So let’s get together and see if we can create a growth opportunity for all of us.’” Together, they’ve bet almost $2 billion and a stable of top talent that they can.
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theatlantic.com
How to Fix Our Voting Rules Before November
In 1979, the NBA introduced the three-point line, creating new super-stars who could hit the long-range jumper. The bigger long-term impact of the change, though, was to increase the effectiveness of the tallest players, who benefitted from stretched defenses.What is true of sports is also true of elections—even slight adjustments to the rules can tilt the game for or against certain players, and ultimately influence outcomes, sometimes in unanticipated ways.According to a new study, in 2016, Donald Trump received a 1.7 percent bump in states where he was listed first on every ballot. In some states where he received that benefit, including Florida, Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin, he won by less than that amount.[Jeffrey Davis: How Donald Trump could steal the election]Another recent study showed that increasing the number of days of early in-person voting particularly increased turnout among women and voters in their 20s. According to the authors, if every state in 2016 had provided 23 days of early voting, Hillary Clinton would have won Florida, Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin―and the presidency.The uncertainties caused by COVID-19 have led a number of states to examine and adjust the rules for the November elections. Thus far, most of the planning has focused on how states will handle the predicted demand for voting by mail. There is no question that voting by mail is an important part of the solution. It mitigates the problems of long lines and fosters social distancing. But the specific rules used to implement vote by mail may determine whose vote is counted and whose is not.Experience and past election results show that in order to prevent vote by mail from inadvertently disenfranchising voters, states must adopt four key safeguards:(1) Postage must be free or prepaid by the government.(2) Ballots postmarked on or before Election Day must count.(3) Signature-matching laws need to be reformed to protect voters(4) Community organizations must be permitted to help collect and deliver voted, sealed ballots.We know that lack of pre-paid postage is an impediment to voting for many lower-income and young voters, and experts have found that requiring voters to have mail ballots received by Election Day, rather than simply post-marked by Election Day, has a disproportionate impact on minority voters. In 2016, a determination that a voter’s vote-by-mail signature failed to match the signature on file was the most common reason for rejecting a ballot. Finally, experience shows that laws that prevent community organizations from assisting voters with the collection and delivery of voted and sealed mail ballots disadvantage minority voters.[Ibram X. Kendi: The other swing voter]Safeguarding vote by mail is only a part of the solution. Some voters—and in particular many minority voters—strongly prefer voting in person, either because of historical mistrust in the vote-by-mail system or because of the expressive nature of showing up at the polls. Accordingly, states must provide voters who prefer voting in-person a safe and available option for doing so.Here, too, there are specific steps states should take to avoid excluding voters.First, states must guarantee adequate staffing at polls by turning to staff at state agencies and to students. Even in the best of times, recruiting, training, and deploying enough poll workers for in-person voting is a challenge. In 2018, 68 percent of poll workers were over 60 years old and more than a quarter were over 70. Government employees should receive overtime pay for working Election Day, and college and high school students should receive both pay and course credit for their effort.Second, states should expand curbside voting for voters of all ages. This would allow voters to drive up, receive a ballot, and return it to be counted—all without leaving their car. Many states provide this service for disabled or elderly voters. It should be expanded for everyone.Third, states must expand early voting to include weekend voting. This would minimize long lines and facilitate voting for those who can’t get to the polls on Election Day.[Ken Harbaugh: The vote must go on]Fourth, all states should adopt vote-anywhere rules. Voters who show up at the wrong polling location should be allowed to vote a ballot for those offices for which they are eligible. Some states currently allow this, but others force these voters to cast a provisional ballot that, more often than not, doesn’t count.Finally, states should develop systems that allow voters to sign up to reserve a time to vote during off-peak hours. Such a system would reduce lines by incentivizing voters to show up during non-peak times.The goal should be to avoid letting the rules dictate who wins based on whose voters can participate. Only by taking these steps can we be assured that the rules of the election won’t unfairly tilt the playing field.
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theatlantic.com
Fauci and Birx worked together at the dawn of the AIDS crisis. Thirty-seven years later, they are partners in fighting the coronavirus.
The two doctors say their careers, and their views about fighting disease, were shaped by watching hundreds of young men die from HIV/AIDS.
1m
washingtonpost.com
Coronavirus restrictions on movement may jeopardize the lives of the most vulnerable
Government decisions involve trade-offs and new challenges.
1m
washingtonpost.com
Fewer Calls to Domestic Abuse Hotlines and Police Stoke Fear in Italy Over Lockdown Violence and Silenced Victims
Italy's Interior Minister Luciana Lamorgese announced a new app called "YouPol," which would allow victims to alert authorities without making a phone call.
1m
newsweek.com
Spain's coronavirus death toll rises by 674 to 12,418
Spain's coronavirus death toll has risen by 674 to 12,418 in the last day, the Health Ministry said on Sunday.
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reuters.com
UK coronavirus deaths could reach 7,000 to 20,000: Ferguson
UK deaths from the coronavirus could rise to between about 7,000 and 20,000 under measures taken to slow the spread of the virus, Neil Ferguson, a professor at Imperial College in London who has helped shape the government's response, said on Sunday.
3 m
reuters.com
Pokémon Go Is Thriving Even Though Everyone’s at Home
Two longtime players debate whether the game’s adjustments represent good social distancing—or profiteering.
7 m
slate.com
Several Patients Test Positive For Coronavirus Aboard Hospital Ship Docked In New York After It Loosens Screening Regulations
The U.S.N.S. Comfort arrived in New York City to treat non-coronavirus patients in a bid to ease the strain on the city's hospital.
9 m
newsweek.com
Rural hospitals rely on city safety nets. Coronavirus might take that away
Rural hospitals face a precarious situation in dealing with the pandemic because of their reliance on cities.
abcnews.go.com
Bush in 2005: 'If we wait for a pandemic to appear, it will be too late to prepare'
In the summer of 2005, President George W. Bush was on vacation when he began flipping through an advanced copy of a new book about the 1918 flu pandemic.
abcnews.go.com
Queen will ask UK for 'self-discipline' in rare address
Britain's Queen Elizabeth II will make a rare broadcast address to the nation on Sunday evening to urge people to practice "self-discipline and resolve" in the face of the coronavirus pandemic.
edition.cnn.com
Out-of-work Las Vegas showgirls take act online, showcase Sin City performers amid coronavirus pandemic
What happens in Vegas apparently happens online now, too.
foxnews.com
Quentin E. Hodgson: During coronavirus pandemic, can Congress members do their jobs by teleworking?
While millions of Americans bow to the threat of COVID-19 – the respiratory disease caused by the coronavirus – by staying home and teleworking, it’s worth asking if the nation’s lawmakers should do the same.
foxnews.com
Coronavirus quarantine: Mom entertains family by posing giant teddy bears around house
"It's just good to keep positive."
foxnews.com
In Her First Adult Novel in 14 Years, Julia Alvarez Travels Home
In “Afterlife,” even privilege can’t shield a Dominican-American widow from the immigrant’s plight.
nytimes.com
Coronavirus live updates: New Jersey city mandates all workers to use face covers
The death toll amid the novel coronavirus pandemic continues to skyrocket as more than 8,400 people in the United States have died from COVID-19.
abcnews.go.com
You can now buy a bobblehead of Dr. Fauci
The National Bobblehead Hall of Fame and Museum has made a bobblehead of Dr. Anthony Fauci, the nation's top infectious disease expert.
edition.cnn.com
Saturday's Powerball Results: Did Anyone Walk Away With the $180 Million Jackpot?
The winning numbers for yesterday's lottery were 08, 31, 39, 40 and 43. The Powerball was 04. No one matched all six balls, but one player matched the first five balls, winning $2 million.
1 h
newsweek.com
Stimulus check scams, sanitize food deliveries, spying bosses and more : Tech Q&Aspying bosses and more : Tech Q&A
Each week, I receive tons of questions from my listeners about tech concerns, new products, and all things digital.
2 h
foxnews.com
Missouri coronavirus stay-at-home order starts Monday, governor says
Missouri’s governor announced a statewide stay-at-home order Friday, leaving only a handful of states without one.
2 h
foxnews.com
Coronavirus is closing daycare. Child care providers worry they may never reopen
The U.S, child care "system" has long been at a breaking point. Coronavirus could mean providers stay closed forever -- a crisis for working parents.       
2 h
usatoday.com
Tom Dempsey, legendary NFL kicker, dead after coronavirus bout at age 73
Tom Dempsey, a retired NFL kicker long known for a 63-yard field goal he kicked in 1970, died Saturday night after a bout with coronavirus, according to reports. He was 73.
2 h
foxnews.com
Why it would be a surprise if the Giants drafted a tight end
Stop asking. Evan Engram is returning for a fourth season with the Giants, and no, the new coaching regime did not consider dumping him. There is no doubt Engram is a polarizing player to Giants fans. His skill-set is enthralling, but his inability to stay on the field is frustrating. We get it. But he...
2 h
nypost.com