<em>The Atlantic</em> Politics & Policy Daily: Trump Tends to His Core Voters

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It’s Monday, July 15.

‣ The Trump administration issued a new rule that would significantly limit asylum protections for most Central American migrants. It’s almost certain to face a legal challenge.

Here’s what else we’re watching:

(Elizabeth Frantz / Reuters)

‘She Would Throw Herself in Front of a Bus for Us’: Over the weekend, roughly 4,000 people descended on Philadelphia for Netroots Nation, an annual conference for progressive activists. They already know which candidate they want for president. And they’ve got a surprising second choice.

All About That Base: President Donald Trump rejected during a press conference today the idea that his tweets over the weekend about several congresswomen were racist, and Speaker Nancy Pelosi announced that the House will move to formally reject Trump’s comments by passing a resolution. What if Trump took his own advice to “help fix the totally broken and crime infested places from which [he] came?” asks Yoni Appelbaum. (Back to Queens, that is.)

The Future of the ACA: The outcome of an ongoing Texas lawsuit may blow up the Affordable Care Act as we know it. The core argument here hinges on the removal of a tax penalty for not having health insurance. One law professor contends that these judges who may end up deciding the future of health coverage in America profess “judicial modesty,” but “are activists to the core.”

Democracy vs. Authoritarianism: The 2020 Democrats have found their battle cry against Trump, writes Uri Friedman: “The defining struggle of our time is between the forces of democracy and authoritarianism, they say, and the leader of the land of the free has strayed into enemy territory.”

A Big Sleeper Issue: One might think a problem that affects so many people across the country—the lack of affordable long-term personal care for older people—would become a major political issue. So far, though, it hasn’t.

(Paul Spella / Katie Martin / The Atlantic)

In The Atlantic’s August cover story, the contributing editor Barbara Bradley Hagerty explores new research about sexual predators and why police are often unable to locate crucial evidence.

“This is the question that haunts every advocate, researcher, and enlightened detective or prosecutor I spoke with: How many rapes could have been prevented if the police had believed the first victim, launched a thorough investigation, and caught the rapist? How many women would have been spared a brutal assault?” → Read the rest

Elaine Godfrey

Ideas From The Atlantic

Trump Tells America What Kind of Nationalist He Is (Adam Serwer)
“If these women could all trace their family lines back to 1776, it would not make them more American than Trump, a descendant of German immigrants whose ancestors arrived relatively recently, because he is white and they are not.” → Read on

Trump Is Baiting Democrats (David Frum)
“Trump is determined to make it impossible for Democrats to act on Pelosi’s knowledge—to break the discipline Pelosi has imposed on her party and to empower the Democrats who want to win Twitter today, rather than win the White House in 2020.” → Read on

Joe Biden Stops Playing It Safe (Peter Beinart)
“For the first time, he looked like a candidate willing to make a direct and substantive case that his centrist instincts are preferable to the party’s recent leftward tilt.” → Read on

What Else We’re Reading

Their family bought land one generation after slavery. The Reels brothers spent eight years in jail for refusing to leave it. (Lizzie Presser, ProPublica)

Huge turnout is expected in 2020. So which party would benefit? (Nate Cohn, The New York Times) (
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BRIGHTON, England—Things are not all right here in Britain. Boris Johnson’s ruling Conservatives have lost their majority, and with it their ability to govern; Parliament has been suspended; and the country is weeks away from crashing out of the European Union, its closest neighbor and largest trading partner, without a withdrawal deal.In normal times, this moment would present a prime opportunity for a united and organized opposition to step in. But these are not normal times, and there is no such opposition party waiting in the wings. Instead, there is the Labour Party—and its leader, Jeremy Corbyn.“Our movement is strong, our movement is vibrant,” Corbyn told hundreds of party faithful at an opening rally of Labour’s annual conference in this English coastal town over the weekend. The Labour leader pledged to lead the party into an election “against a prime minister who wants to take us over the cliff out of the EU and into the arms of Donald Trump.”“I’m not having any of that,” he said amidst roaring cheers. “You’re not having any of that.”If ever an opposition was needed in Britain, it’s now. Still, voters remain largely wary of the Labour leader, and what his elevation to the country’s highest political office could mean for its future. Corbyn is the most left-wing leader the Labour Party has seen in decades, and his plans for the country, if elected, are equally as radical: The 70-year-old has pledged to oversee a revolution of the British economy, complete with the nationalization of public services such as intercity rail, water, and mail delivery, as well as the reversal of a decade of painful public-spending cuts imposed following the 2008 financial crisis. The Financial Times concluded that this program would cost hundreds of billions of pounds, and constitute “a fundamental redistribution of income and power.”But for all the attention that has been given to what a Corbyn government would mean for the future of Britain’s economy, relatively little has been paid to the potentially seismic impact it would have on Britain’s role in the world. Corbyn’s foreign-policy views are unlike those held by any other Labour leader, and are in many ways outside the mainstream of his own party, let alone the country. While any major economic plan would require Parliament’s consent, as prime minister, he would have significant sway over the country’s foreign agenda at a time when Britain’s global standing post-Brexit is still mired in doubt.Corbyn ascended to the Labour leadership in 2015, after more than 30 years on the backbenches of British politics. More a political activist than a career politician, he spent much of that time establishing himself firmly within the far left of the Labour Party, advocating on issues ranging from nuclear disarmament (which he supports) to unilateral military intervention (which he has long opposed). Considered among the party’s most rebellious members, Corbyn has voted against the Labour Party in Parliament more than 500 times.His transition from the fringes of the party to the very top came as a surprise to many, including Corbyn himself, and heralded a significant leftward shift in what had otherwise been a center-left party. Corbyn was boosted by thousands of new (mostly young) voters attracted to his message against public-spending cuts, as well as his decades-long tenure as an anti-war activist, including his opposition to Britain joining the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq. It also marked a rejection of the more centrist “Blairite” politics ushered in by former Prime Minister and Labour leader Tony Blair, with whom Corbyn has long been at odds.Jeremy Corbyn, pictured in 1998, sits alongside a woman who was a victim of Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet’s government. (Ian Hodgson / Reuters)It was precisely because of Corbyn’s far-left credentials that many presumed his leadership bid didn’t stand a chance. Commentators dismissed him as a “maverick” candidate of the “loony left,” while Conservatives cheered his candidacy as a way of ensuring that Labour would be consigned to “electoral oblivion.” Even those within Labour who helped get Corbyn onto the ballot admitted they had no intention of voting for him, with several lawmakers saying they only lent him their support to broaden the leadership debate. In the end, Corbyn secured the backing of nearly 60 percent of party members, but only 10 percent of Labour parliamentarians.[Read: Why Jeremy Corbyn isn’t fighting Brexit]Since then, Corbyn has transformed Labour into a party in his own image: one that is unwaveringly anti-austerity, antiestablishment, anti-war, and crucially, stronger in number. Labour membership swelled from 200,000 members at the time of Corbyn’s election to upwards of half a million—nearly four times that of the Conservatives—in just two years. Though the surge in members didn’t prove enough to secure Labour’s electoral victory when former Prime Minister Theresa May called a snap election in 2017, the party was able to deny the Tories the outright majority May had been hoping for.“Whatever the final result,” Corbyn declared at the time, “our positive campaign has changed politics for the better.”Things haven’t exactly been smooth sailing for Labour since the election, though. Over the past year, the party has suffered a string of resignations by its more centrist lawmakers and the loss of tens of thousands of card-carrying Labour members over its handling of anti-Semitism allegations within its ranks, as well as the party’s ambiguous position on Brexit. Though the Labour Party formally backed the campaign to remain in the EU during the 2016 referendum, Corbyn’s own efforts to campaign in favor of EU membership were regarded as considerably lackluster. After all, the Labour leader had a long history of skepticism toward the EU, which is viewed by many on the far left as a capitalist club. Indeed, Corbyn voted against Britain’s entry to the European Economic Community (the precursor to the modern bloc) in 1975, and opposed the Maastricht and Lisbon treaties in 1993 and 2008, respectively, which established the EU’s further powers.“His instincts are much more euroskeptic than that of even [his] close allies,” Malcolm Chalmers, the deputy director general at the Royal United Services Institute, a London-based think tank, and a former senior special adviser to previous Labour Foreign Secretaries Jack Straw and Margaret Beckett, told me.Corbyn’s differences with party colleagues highlight the gulf within Labour over its Brexit policy—between those like the leader, who view the EU with suspicion, and those who see the bloc as guaranteeing some measure of basic workers’ rights and regulatory standards. The party was finally able to coalesce around a position this month, pledging to hold a confirmatory vote on any Brexit deal (including, were it able to form a government, one of its own), with an option to remain in the EU on the ballot. But there is less consensus on which side the Labour Party would ultimately support. While several of Corbyn’s colleagues have already come out in favor of backing remain regardless, Corbyn himself has signaled he will stay neutral.The first time I saw Corbyn in person, I very nearly didn’t. It was the eve of Labour’s 2018 party conference, in Liverpool, and a group of approximately 50 people had gathered outside the conference venue in Royal Albert Dock to hold a vigil for those affected by a worsening humanitarian crisis in Yemen. Standing in the center of them all was Corbyn, who—flanked by Labour’s foreign-affairs spokesperson, Emily Thornberry, and the comedian and political activist Eddie Izzard—decried the Conservative government’s continued arms sales to Saudi Arabia, which has led a years-long bombardment of Yemen. (Such arms sales have since been ruled unlawful by the Court of Appeal in London.)“If it were a Labour government … we would bring about an end to that conflict,” Corbyn told the crowd, which enthusiastically gathered around the Labour leader for a photo. With no security, no police, and minimal press, the gathering was evocative of classic Corbyn: the lifelong anti-war activist, campaigner, and trade-union organizer.And in many ways, through years of challenges to his leadership, accusations of anti-Semitism, and criticism of his Brexit policy (or lack therof), that is the Corbyn who remains in place to this day. Those who know the Labour leader say that many of his views, particularly on issues of foreign policy, haven’t fundamentally changed since he joined Parliament, let alone since he became Labour leader.“When I think back, I changed my position on some issues when I learned more about them or as the circumstances changed,” Mike Gapes, a former Labour lawmaker who entered Parliament with Corbyn in 1983, told me. “Most of Corbyn’s foreign-policy positions are identical today to what he always had: A pro-Castro, pro-Chávez, anti-imperialist view of the world.”[Read: The implosion of Jeremy Corbyn]Gapes was among the group of Labour parliamentarians who resigned en masse in February to protest the party’s lack of leadership on Brexit, and its failure to tackle its anti-Semitism crisis, as part of a largely stillborn attempt to form an independent political grouping. But Gapes, who previously represented Labour in Parliament’s foreign-affairs committee, said he had another reason, too: opposition to Corbyn’s foreign policy.“The general tenor of British foreign policy since the 1945 Labour government has been to establish the Western alliance, to support NATO, to be very much regarding the United States as our main ally,” Gapes said, adding that a Corbyn government would ensure those principles were “directly challenged.”Much of what a Prime Minister Corbyn’s foreign policy might look like is based on views that he has supported throughout his time in Parliament. An early sponsor of the Stop the War Coalition, a British campaign group founded following the 9/11 terrorist attacks, Corbyn was a vocal opponent of the U.S.-led invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq, as well as subsequent military interventions in Libya and Syria. He has voiced support for a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, including a right of return for all Palestinian refugees. He has also expressed sympathy for the reunification of the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland (a particularly controversial position for a would-be prime minister, because Northern Ireland remains a part of the United Kingdom).Supporters of Jeremy Corbyn cheer as he delivers a speech at the Glastonbury Festival in 2017. (Dylan Martinez / Reuters)Tom Kibasi, the director of the Institute for Public Policy Research, a progressive London-based think tank, told me many of Corbyn’s foreign-policy views are in line with mainstream opinion. “Most of the public don’t think bombing children in Yemen is a particularly good thing … Most of the public don’t think oppressing the rights of Palestinians is a good thing,” he said. “Labour’s foreign policy is controversial to the chattering media class, but to normal, ordinary people, it’s common sense.”But some of the Labour leader’s views have gotten him into trouble in the past. Corbyn has referred to the militant groups Hamas and Hezbollah as “friends” (comments he has since disowned) and likened the actions of the Israeli government to that of the Nazis (comments that he also later condemned). He has called for the disbandment of NATO, dubbing the international alliance a “military Frankenstein,” and opposed foreign intervention in Venezuela, Syria, and Ukraine, leading critics to suggest he has lent support to oppressive regimes in Caracas, Damascus, and Moscow. More recently, Corbyn faced backlash from both sides of the House of Commons for his reluctance to blame Russia for its role in the nerve-agent attack in Salisbury last year.While many of Corbyn’s views are well established, less clear are his views on some of the biggest foreign-policy challenges Britain will face, from grappling with a rising China to balancing ties between the United States and the EU—though the Labour leader has frequently criticized the Conservative government on matters of domestic policy, he has rarely spoken out on these foreign-policy issues. And then there is the question of how his known views will translate into policy were he to lead Britain’s next government. Though prime ministers have significantly more latitude to make foreign-policy decisions, there are limits to what can be done unilaterally. “The prime minister has to obtain support from his cabinet and indeed his party in Parliament,” Chalmers, the deputy director general at RUSI, said. “There are some red lines the parliamentary party would simply not accept, which would threaten the viability of such a government.”NATO membership would likely be one such red line—even as Corbyn has refashioned Labour, the party apparatus largely remains deeply committed to Western defense and security institutions. (Thornberry has publicly said Labour is committed to the defense alliance.) Continued support for Britain’s nuclear-weapons system, Trident, would be another. (The party’s defense spokesperson, Nia Griffith, has said the party supports maintaining Britain’s independent deterrent.) So far, Corbyn has been willing to acquiesce on those issues. Though he has expressed support for scrapping Britain’s nuclear arsenal and has personally opposed the continued funding of Trident, he pledged to honor the party’s decision to maintain the program, a promise that featured in the party’s 2017 election manifesto.Corbyn’s position on using nuclear weapons isn’t simply hypothetical. As prime minister, one of the first things he would be required to do is write his four letters of last resort, handwritten instructions to Britain’s military leaders on what should happen in the event that Britain is hit with a nuclear attack. When asked whether Corbyn could go about limiting the country’s nuclear capacity another way—say, by instructing the military not to employ nuclear weapons under any circumstances—Chalmers said we’ll likely never know. “The impact of [letters of last resort] can be overstated, not least because the tradition is they’re never publicized,” he said, adding: “It would be a test, I think, of whether Jeremy Corbyn was prepared to obfuscate on this in a way which previous prime ministers have done … It’s more about how he would talk about it, rather than the actual letter.”But perhaps the greatest impact a Corbyn premiership would have on Britain’s foreign policy is on which direction Britain decides to go post-Brexit, and whether it chooses to align more closely with its allies in Europe, with the Trump administration in the United States, or elsewhere. While both May and Johnson have prioritized courting President Donald Trump with the hopes of securing a post-Brexit trade deal with the United States, Corbyn has taken a more aggressive stance toward the American president, opting to skip a state dinner during Trump’s visit to Britain this year. (The Labour leader did, however, request a one-on-one meeting with Trump, which the president declined.)Despite the long-standing “special relationship” between the U.S. and Britain, much divides the two allies—particularly on issues such as climate change, trade, and the Iran nuclear deal. Though these differences haven’t proved enough to hinder the two countries’ deep defense and security partnership, some believe a Corbyn premiership would impose unprecedented strain on the alliance. A recent report by the Washington-based Hudson Institute, a conservative think tank, concluded that Corbyn’s apparent willingness to countenance friendlier ties with Russia, Iran, and China would make Britain less of a “reliable partner” to the U.S., and called into question the country’s continued membership in NATO and Five Eyes, the intelligence alliance between the U.S. and Britain, as well as Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. “There is a serious risk that any information passed to either Corbyn or his close allies could be compromised,” the report said, labeling the concerns a bipartisan issue. “Even a Democratic administration, if it wins the 2020 elections, will find the U.K. has become a less predictable ally.”All this, of course, presumes that a Labour majority is possible—something that even those closest to the party admit is a faint possibility. Recent polls put Labour as much as eight points behind the Conservatives (33 percent), followed by the Liberal Democrats (19 percent) and the nascent Brexit Party (13 percent). Though these figures don’t necessarily correlate with the number of parliamentary seats each party will secure, they suggest that Labour would almost certainly struggle to form a government on its own. Bob Kerslake, an independent member of the House of Lords and a former head of the British civil service who has been helping prepare the Labour Party for government since 2015, told me the most likely scenario is that Labour would lead “a minority government, acting with the support of the [Scottish National Party] and the Liberal Democrats,” smaller parties that share Labour’s opposition to a no-deal Brexit.But such an arrangement wouldn’t be without its drawbacks. Kerslake said that while it would put Labour into power, the reliance on other parties would “impact their ability to take forward all of their policies in their manifesto.”[Read: Can Brexit Be Stopped?]While the party’s mandate will serve as one check on a future Labour government, Brexit will serve as the other. At present, there is no fixed date for a general election, though Johnson’s position as a prime minister in charge of a minority government means one is likely in the near future. Britain is, at the same time, poised to leave the EU on October 31, though Parliament has passed a law forcing Johnson to seek a further extension if a deal with the bloc isn’t agreed upon. That leaves open the prospect that any future election might be held with Britain still a member of the EU, meaning the next steps on how to proceed would fall to the next government. Corbyn has already pledged that if elected, he would seek to renegotiate a deal of his own with Brussels that would keep Britain closely aligned to EU rules and regulations.But Parliament has already expressed its opposition to such a scenario—as well as virtually every other one. Unless Parliament could agree on something else, a new Labour government could easily find itself trapped in the same deadlock that has thwarted previous leaderships. And, just like that, any notion of Corbyn radicalism—on nuclear disarmament, foreign policy, the Western alliance, or really anything else—could then be caught up in the same issue that has overwhelmed this country for the past three years.“If Brexit is unresolved, then Corbyn’s government is going to be dominated by Brexit,” Gapes said. “Just like Cameron’s government, May’s government, [and] Johnson’s government has been dominated by Brexit.”
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Who perfect Bills beat shouldn’t matter as real fun beings
One of the most successful “Bills” in NFL history once famously stated that you are what your record says you are. The Buffalo Bills are the shining example of that Bill Parcells gem, moving to 3-0 for the first time since 2011 with a 21-17 victory Sunday over the Bengals at New Era Field in...
New York Post
First 'Borderlands 3' event is the Halloween-themed Bloody Harvest
It won't take too long before Borderlands 3 stretches its virtual legs. Gearbox has revealed that the shoot-and-loot title's first in-game event, Bloody Harvest, will go live in late October. To no one's surprise, it revolves around Halloween. You...
Engadget | Technology News, Advice and Features
Game of Thrones’ 2019 Emmys Performance Was Almost as Divisive as Its Final Season
The show won the big one, but missed out on many other awards, cementing its complicated legacy
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TIME - powered by FeedBurner
Blackface damages Trudeau at polls as he vows lower taxes, cellphone costs
Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau on Sunday worked to start putting last week’s blackface scandal behind him and focused on policies he said he’d pursue if reelected,  including lower cellphone costs and a middle-class tax cut, according to reports.
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The best and worst moments of the 2019 Emmys
The 71st Annual Emmy Awards were historic for a number of reasons, some remarkable (Billy Porter!) and some just facts (no host? Okay then).  As with every year’s ceremony, the three-hour telecast (which didn’t run over?!) was filled with highs and lows, but dare we say... more highs? Here’s our list of the best and worst moments of the 2019 Emmys. Best: The Fleabag-ening "I find acting really hard and really painful."Image: Jeff Kravitz/FilmMagicIt takes a singular comedy series to de-throne Veep after its years of sweeping the Emmys, and luckily Fleabag Season 2’s winning streak in the comedy categories was entirely earned, because it is just that. From Phoebe Waller-Bridge’s equally hilarious and cheeky win for writing to her truly gobsmacked response to her second statue for acting, to Harry Bradbeer’s win for direction and then the big win for in Outstanding Comedy Series..Fleabag Season 2 deserves every accolade it gets forever. Read more...More about Entertainment, Television, Michelle Williams, Fleabag, and Emmys 2019
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Brett Gardner, Aaron Judge amused by surprising home run race
It will be, as Aaron Judge put it, “the race of the century.” OK, not really. But when Judge went deep for his 26th homer of the season Sunday afternoon, getting things going in what turned out to be an 8-3 Yankees thumping of the Blue Jays at Yankee Stadium, he tied his smaller teammate...
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New York Post
Minister tells AP Afghan police are hardest hit by attacks
AP Interview: Afghan interior minister says police are the force being hardest hit by insurgents, and are getting an overhaul
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Alex Borstein honors Holocaust survivor grandmother at Emmys
In an emotional moment during her acceptance speech for her comedy series Emmy, Borstein told the story of how her grandmother survived with an act of defiance
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CBS News - Breaking News, U.S., World, Business, Entertainment & Video
Le’Veon Bell’s retort for ‘haters’ after this Jets disaster
FOXBOROUGH, Mass. — Le’Veon Bell said he is not frustrated by the Jets’ 0-3 start to the season, but he sounded off on Twitter at his critics after Sunday’s 30-14 loss to the Patriots. “All you haters, enjoy it for now..just don’t go casper when all this gets turned around,” Bell posted on Twitter. “We...
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New York Post
Browns' Baker Mayfield Talks Rams Loss, Says Not to 'Hit the Panic Button'
The Cleveland Browns ' only win of the season came against a New York Jets squad that was down to its third-string quarterback, but Baker Mayfield thinks they can still rectify the rest of the campaign...
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'Fleabag' And 'Game Of Thrones' Win Big At The Emmys
Phoebe Waller-Bridge's Fleabag and the departing Game of Thrones both came up big Sunday night, as did Chernobyl and The Marvelous Mrs. Maisel.
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News : NPR
'Game of Thrones,' 'Fleabag' take top Emmy honors on night of upsets
Medieval drama "Game of Thrones" closed its run with a fourth Emmy award for best drama series while British comedy "Fleabag" was the upset winner for best comedy series on Sunday on a night that rewarded newcomers over old favorites.
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Reuters: Top News - powered by FeedBurner
Pat Shurmur initially feared the worst as Giants won
TAMPA, Fla. — The Giants have seen kicks of more than 50 yards and even more than 60 yards beat them in the final seconds over the past few years. It sure looked as if this would be another one to tear their hearts out when the Buccaneers lined up for a game-winning 34-yard field...
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New York Post
Freddie Kitchens, Baker Mayfield Are Holding Back the Cleveland Browns
There wasn't a more hyped team in the National Football League this offseason than the Cleveland Browns. And the center of that hurricane of hyperbole was the two men who took northern ...
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Emmys 2019: Bring back Bob Newhart — not the host format
I guess Hollywood just can’t help itself, since Sunday night’s host-less 2019 Emmy Awards opened with a cheesy bit involving Homer Simpson (who can do no wrong) and a game Anthony Anderson. But, in this case, it was harmless — and it set the stage for a telecast that was breezy, entertaining and thankfully devoid...
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New York Post
Carl Bernstein hears echoes of Watergate in new scandal involving Trump and Ukraine
This time it's not Russian hackers... this time it's not a bot army waging info warfare on Facebook. There is a disinformation campaign raging right now, and this time it's being led by President Trump.
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Best and worst moments of Emmys 2019
From fabulous first-time winners to heartfelt acceptance speeches, here are some of the highs and lows of the 71st annual Emmy Awards broadcast. Best: Billy Porter making history The “Pose” star became the first openly gay black man to win for Best Actor in a Drama Series. The ebullient Mr. Porter borrowed a line from...
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New York Post