Factbox: Six moments to watch for as Democrats debate in Miami

Twenty Democratic presidential hopefuls will hit the debate stage on Wednesday and Thursday nights to square off for the first time in the 2020 nominating contest.
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The Supreme Court Is Avoiding Talking About Race
Supreme Court justices typically write opinions that say more than what is strictly necessary to decide the case before them. In those opinions, the justices also communicate with their colleagues, other courts, and the country about the issues, values, and people they deem especially important. When it comes to the possibility and history of racism, however, most of the current justices—with the important exception of Justice Sonia Sotomayor—tend to respond the way so many white people do: More often than not, they would rather just not talk about it.That tendency was evident this past term in most of the cases potentially implicating the subject of race.In Kansas v. Glover, the Court held that a police officer could lawfully stop a vehicle about which the officer knew only that its owner had a revoked driver’s license. In 2016, an officer in Lawrence, Kansas, ran a license-plate check on a moving pickup truck and found that the license of the registered owner—Charles Glover—had been revoked. The officer stopped the truck, which Glover was driving, and Kansas charged him with driving as a habitual violator. In his defense, Glover argued that the stop violated the Fourth Amendment, which protects people against “unreasonable searches and seizures,” and the Kansas Supreme Court ruled in his favor, arguing that the officer had not adequately justified the stop and instead had “only a hunch” that Glover was driving.One wouldn’t know it from the several opinions written by the justices, but the defendant appears Black. Does racial profiling explain the officer’s decision to run the vehicle’s license plate? One cannot know.[Seth W. Stoughton, Jeffrey J. Noble, and Geoffrey P. Albert: How to actually fix America’s police]The Fourth Amendment protects people’s reasonable expectations of privacy when they are subject to searches and seizures by the police, but it is difficult to argue that people have such an expectation for their license plates, which are readily viewable by others when an individual is driving. So the Court understandably declined to read the Fourth Amendment as requiring police officers to explain their decision to run a license plate. But the risk of racial profiling is significant, and the justices might have drawn attention to the problem. That the officer spends most of his time running license plates seems unlikely, and at no point in this case did he give an explanation for his action. The justices might have also mentioned that police departments could insist that officers explain their reasons for running a vehicle’s license plate, to help limit racial profiling. Only Sotomayor expressed concern about the police stopping vehicles “based on nothing more than a demographic profile.”There was no claim of racial discrimination in this specific case, so the amicus briefs filed in Glover’s favor did not focus primarily on the issue of racial profiling. But some of them did mention racial and socioeconomic disparities in police stops across the country; one of them emphasized that Black drivers are more likely than white drivers to be pulled over by the police and pointed to “evidence that racial bias motivates many traffic stops.” The lack of more extensive discussion in the briefs may in part be a function of the Court’s long-standing resistance to discussing the subject in Fourth Amendment cases.Glover is not a one-off. It is extraordinarily rare for the justices—again, except for Sotomayor—to reference race or racism in cases involving police stops. For example, in Utah v. Strieff, in 2016, the Court held that when a police officer discovers a preexisting warrant for a person’s arrest, incriminating evidence seized pursuant to that arrest is admissible in court even if the officer’s stop of the individual was unconstitutional to begin with. The Court had nothing to say about whether it was enabling police to engage in racial profiling. Sotomayor wrote for herself alone that “it is no secret that people of color are disproportionate victims of this type of scrutiny.”[Read: Pleading for the fourth]There are many other examples one could cite and very few counterexamples. Racism was mentioned briefly in a majority opinion in 1968, in Terry v. Ohio, which provided the constitutional basis for the stop that occurred in Glover. There was also a brief discussion of race-based selective enforcement of the law in 1996, in Whren v. United States, but there the Court actually said that issues such as racial profiling and pretextual reasons for traffic stops may not be evaluated under the Fourth Amendment. Occasionally a justice will mention concerns about racism in a dissent, but that’s pretty much it.The Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) case (Department of Homeland Security v. Regents of the University of California) is another example from this term in which the majority might have at least acknowledged the freighted racial or ethnic context and potential implications of a case, regardless of whether doing so would have altered the outcome. Instead, the majority opinion, which held that the Trump administration had acted arbitrarily (and thus unlawfully) in rescinding the DACA program, limited itself to deciding whether the administration had violated procedural requirements set forth in the Administrative Procedure Act. Four of the five justices in the majority (and all four dissenters) rejected the argument of the respondents that the decision to end DACA was unconstitutional because it had been motivated by animus against the beneficiaries of the program, concluding that there was “no plausible equal protection claim.” Only Sotomayor talked about the possibility of racism given Donald Trump’s past public statements that Mexican immigrants are “people that have lots of problems,” “the bad ones,” and “criminals, drug dealers, [and] rapists,” and his statement likening undocumented immigrants to “animals” who are responsible for “the drugs, the gangs, the cartels, the crisis of smuggling and trafficking, [and] MS13.”[Garrett Epps: The Trump administration’s incompetence was the saving grace of 700,000 Dreamers]It should not be considered out of bounds for the justices to worry publicly about the possibility of racism just because the racist statements are made by the president of the United States. Such statements invariably affect federal officers further down the chain of command, regardless of whether there is sufficient evidence of such influence in a given case to change the result.There were times this past term when most of the justices did better. In Ramos v. Louisiana, the Court held that the Sixth Amendment right to a jury trial requires a unanimous verdict to convict a defendant of a serious crime in both federal and state courts. As briefs on behalf of the defendant emphasized, the history of non-unanimous jury verdicts has everything to do with race and racism. Louisiana and Oregon originally permitted non-unanimous jury verdicts to negate the impact of Black and other minority jurors and thereby increase the likelihood of convicting Black people and other minorities.The history in Louisiana is especially ugly. Reconstruction ended in 1876 as part of a compromise among white people that gave Republicans the White House and Democrats the end of military rule in the South. As Republicans tired of pursuing racial equality and joined the Democrats in courting business interests, former Confederate states were emboldened, and established an authoritarian, apartheid social order. Louisiana first embraced non-unanimous verdicts at its constitutional convention in 1898, when it declared white supremacy to be the official policy of the state and adopted numerous measures to disenfranchise Black people on a massive scale. Mississippi did much the same at its constitutional convention in 1890, and put the Confederate battle flag on its state flag in 1894. [Stephanie McCurry: The Confederacy was an antidemocratic, centralized State]To its credit, the majority in Ramos did emphasize the racist history of laws permitting non-unanimous jury verdicts. But it did so over the fierce objections of the three dissenters. Writing for them, Justice Samuel Alito accused the majority of using “ad hominem rhetoric” that “contribut[es] to the worst current trends” in public discourse. Alito also declined to concede the existence of this racist history, instead deeming the issue irrelevant to the outcome of the case. “If Louisiana and Oregon originally adopted their laws allowing non-unanimous verdicts for these reasons, that is deplorable,” he wrote, as if the point were fairly debatable, “but what does that have to do with the broad constitutional question before us? The answer is: nothing.”(Yet in another case this term, Espinoza v. Montana Department of Revenue, Alito wrote a concurring opinion in which he elected to emphasize the anti-Catholic history of certain laws prohibiting government aid to religious schools. It was not necessary for him to have done so to decide the case; he had already joined the majority opinion, which itself noted this history even though the case almost certainly would have come out the same way had the history of anti-Catholic bigotry been different. So it is not as if he disfavors talk of history in general.)In another case, also this term, the Court again acknowledged some of the relevant history of racism in the United States, but it did not get the history quite right, making it sound better than it was. In Comcast Corporation v. National Association of African American–Owned Media, the Court held that a plaintiff who sues for racial discrimination in contracting under a federal law, 42 U.S.C. § 1981, has to show that race was not just a motivating factor, but a but-for cause of the plaintiff’s injury. It is much harder to prove but-for causation, which is why a major corporation, the Chamber of Commerce, and the Trump administration wanted this requirement, while civil-rights groups opposed it. This case obviously had to do with potential racism: It was expressly about proving certain claims of racial discrimination.What is less obvious is that Congress originally passed Section 1981 as part of the Civil Rights Act of 1866, after the Civil War, to protect certain rights of formerly enslaved people. Concerns about whether the Thirteenth Amendment (which ended slavery) permitted Congress to pass this law led to the passage of the Fourteenth Amendment (which, among other things, includes a guarantee of constitutional equality).What is also less obvious is how narrow was the understanding of racial equality embraced by the Congress that passed the Civil Rights Act of 1866. The Court in Comcast said that the law had been passed “to vindicate the rights of former slaves.” Sadly, the history is more complicated and depressing. The law was passed to protect the civil rights of formerly enslaved people, such as contracting, suing, and owning property. Civil rights for Black Americans at that time did not include political rights such as voting (hence the need for the Fifteenth Amendment) or social rights such as attending public schools with white children and marrying white people (rights—to America’s national shame—not protected by the Court until 1954 and 1967, respectively). These distinctions among civil, political, and social equality, which are not required by the text of the Constitution and no longer exist in U.S. constitutional law, were intended both to grant some measure of equality to the citizens who had been slaves and to strictly limit how much and what kind. By describing Section 1981 in sweeping terms, the Court failed to acknowledge the more sobering portions of the relevant history.It would have been interesting to see the Court respond to a constitutional challenge to affirmative action or to the Voting Rights Act in the current political climate. But this term does illustrate why, in light of American history, racism and race relations remain the nation’s most enduring domestic crisis.[Leah Litman: Progressives’ Supreme Court victories will be fleeting]The impulse of most of the justices, most of the time, not to talk about race and racism is not excusable, let alone justifiable, but it is understandable. Why risk making oneself, one’s colleagues, and other audiences uncomfortable or even upset when it is not absolutely necessary to “go there”? When it comes to the subject of racism in this country, however, saying nothing often is saying something.The general silence of the justices can have spillover effects that produce bad law in cases in which correct interpretation of the Constitution and statutes requires serious engagement with the long, tragic history of racism in this nation—and with its continued existence. For example, a Court more attuned to history and current social reality would not have been as likely to declare that “things have changed dramatically” and a key part of the Voting Rights Act is no longer constitutionally justified, which is what the Court said and held in Shelby County v. Holder in 2013. The Court’s equal-protection jurisprudence in the areas of affirmative action and disparate-impact liability might also look different. But if more often than not the justices can’t—or won’t—grapple with the nation’s racist history and present, then more often than not the law articulated by the Court will continue to be unworthy of the aspiration engraved over the front entrance to the building in which it sits: equal justice under law.
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The pandemic is an extraordinary opportunity to reform US education
A teacher sets up her classroom at Freedom Preparatory Academy on August 5 in Provo, Utah. There is a small window of opportunity wedge in education measures in the pandemic that will allow for larger structural changes in the near future. | George Frey/Getty Images We should allow kids to take a gap year and waive standardized testing before it’s too late. As of August 6, the US had more than 4.8 million reported cases of Covid-19 and at least 160,000 deaths. But we know the devastation is far greater: Our testing and contact tracing remain insufficient, and the official numbers don’t capture the indirect death toll, which could be far greater. If there is one bright spot, nearly every sector of society has seized on the opportunity for systemic reform. We have expanded telehealth and temporarily disabled restrictive policies around medications for the treatment of substance use. We halted cash bail in many jurisdictions, and enacted eviction moratoriums. Every sector, that is, except for the educational system, which is not even offering temporary measures such as a gap year for students or a moratorium on standardized testing. As a front-line health care provider and parent who innovated during this pandemic by helping to open temporary hospitals for people experiencing homelessness, and as an educator and parent in the public school system where massive cuts are planned, we find this lack of creative thinking incredibly frustrating. As schools plan for reopening, it seems as though the door has nearly closed for changes to the educational system that would reduce the opportunity gap and promote individualized learning. But there is a small window of opportunity to take advantage of this pandemic and wedge in measures — including ending compulsory education laws, waiving standardized testing, and empowering teachers — that will allow for deeper changes in the near future. It’s essential to pursue them now before the window closes. Why is structural change in the education system necessary? Much of the US educational system is based on outdated institutional policies for standardized testing and student discipline. Even the textbooks that many public schools are forced to use are outdated (because of lack of funding). The landscape of students’ needs has changed over the past 50 years, but the educational system has not. For example, there are more English-language learners and children with individualized education plans than ever before. Families are facing profound economic hardships that are rivaled in this country only by stories of the Great Depression. In the Kansas City Public School district alone, nearly half of students will need to transfer to a different school this year due to eviction. Half! Students who experience eviction can miss weeks of classroom time. Why does this matter? One reason is that students who miss large amounts of class time will, inevitably, “fall behind.” Another reason is that eviction can cause trauma, especially in children. Nevertheless, children who have experienced eviction are still held to the same standards as their stably housed peers, still expected to perform at grade level, and still expected to sit for standardized tests (which, by the way, have also been shown to cause significant harm especially to low-income students, students of the global majority, English-language learners, and students with disabilities). Some of these students (especially Black and brown students) are also likely to have negative encounters with school disciplinarians such as resource officers, be targeted for minor infractions such as dress code violations, and be the victims of zero-tolerance disciplinary policies developed during the Reagan administration. Our educational system largely does not account for the complex social, economic, and dynamic needs of students. And, in some cases, it can actually cause harm. What if, instead, we embraced policies that were not predicated on the need for an uninterrupted linear trajectory from kindergarten to 12th grade? What if students were not penalized and harmed for missing school? What if we changed the system such that educational success meant more than “making it through” and taking a test? Why haven’t schools embraced change in the pandemic? We have no reason to believe that structural change — no matter how temporary or incremental — is impossible in the educational system. The fault in lack of change thus far lies, in part, with the federal government’s response. If anything, there is a sense that many in the Trump administration and its allies across the country want public education to fail. For example, Kansas City Metropolitan charter and private schools received between $19.9 million and $55.9 million from the Paycheck Protection Program (PPP), program whereas Kansas City Public Schools received nothing. Additionally, Missouri plans to cut $131 million from the Department of Elementary and Secondary Education. The US Department of Education has stayed on the sidelines, allowing these inequities to persist. Any discussion of schools from the federal government has focused solely on “reopening safely.” On July 23, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) finally released resources and tools intended to help facilitate school openings this fall. Essentially, these guidelines include topics such as how to promote behaviors that prevent the spread of Covid-19, how to make physical modifications to schools, how to restructure school days, and how to keep the school environment healthy through cleaning and proper ventilation. These recommendations came just days after President Trump pressured the CDC to reverse course and after he threatened to withhold federal funding for schools that did not fully reopen. Not surprisingly, the president then flip-flopped on his stance, admitting that some schools may need to delay full reopening. The US Department of Education, again, has been largely silent on the issue and has yet to release any guidance on the topic. Chronic underfunding, inconsistent messaging, and leadership vacuums have put individual schools and school districts in the precarious situation in which they must “go it alone.” But the lack of progress cannot be blamed fully on the federal government; school district leaders have been largely absent on seizing on this once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to remake the system. Aside from groups of individual K-12 educators including “Liberate and Chill” and scholars like Bettina L. Love and the Abolitionist Teaching Network who have mobilized during the pandemic, there have been virtually no district-level attempts to move toward even incremental change, let alone systematic change. More commonly, school districts have simply assembled expert panels, held town hall meetings, and sent out virtual surveys to parents to determine the best approach forward within the established paradigm. The plans that have emerged are predictable and limited to three models: all in-person learning, all virtual learning, or a mixed model of in-person and virtual for all students. We say these models were predictable because they are predicated on an outdated paradigm of learning that deserves to be reevaluated. The current paradigm, reinforced by the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine, has forced school districts into the impossible predicament of choosing health or equity rather than health and equity. We would even argue that “health” has largely been ignored and “safety” has been used as a stand-in. By entertaining only in-person or virtual learning, school districts are struggling to understand how they can provide a quality education in a safe and equitable way. Kamil Krzaczynski/AFP via Getty Images Teachers and activists join a car caravan hosted by the Chicago Teachers Union in Chicago on August 3, 2020, to demand adequate classroom safety measures as schools debate reopening. Let’s take health first. Schools must grapple with the obvious question of how they protect teachers, staff, and students from Covid-19 — also known as “safety.” This is where the CDC guidance is meant to be useful. Given the confines of the brick buildings, school officials are asking how they can best protect members of our community from Covid-19. But even though Covid-19 is a clear and present threat to our safety, schools must take a holistic view of health when considering reopening plans. Nearly 32 million students in public schools rely on schools as a source of food. At least 22 percent receive mental health counseling through school programs, a number likely to grow as a result of isolation from the pandemic. How do we continue to provide these life-sustaining (and lifesaving) services without reopening in person? Now let’s take on the issue of equity. There is already a profound educational opportunity gap in this country, as Prudence Carter, Gloria Ladson-Billings, and others have helped us understand. What happens to that opportunity gap if private schools, which are filled with affluent white children, are able to reopen for in-person learning while urban public schools, which are populated by majority Black and brown children, are not? What about kids with individualized educational plans and English-language learners? If schools remain virtual, what does this do to children who cannot learn virtually? What about parents who cannot attend to and monitor their children’s virtual learning? Will the opportunity gap not also widen? These all-or-none approaches are, at best, lazy, and at worst, harmful. They are lazy because they admit that there is no “good way” forward so we simply need to pick the least bad option. They pit health and equity against each other. They are harmful for a number of reasons, and they do not account for the unique needs of individual children in a larger societal context. But it raises the question: Why hasn’t the educational system seized on this opportunity to enact permanent or even temporary changes? Time is almost up to make any changes Ultimately, the question is not as simple as who should attend school in person versus virtually, but rather, how we can remake our educational system such that it serves the needs of individuals in our path to achieving equity. The potential to innovate for the future and reduce the opportunity gap are bold objectives. From an equity perspective, both require significant changes to policies and established structures. Sadly, the time appears to be nearly up. Schools in half the country have reopened while the other half are firming up their reopening plans. Unfortunately, these reopening plans only enhance safety by preventing the transmission of Covid-19, but do little else to promote health and virtually nothing to address the opportunity gap. We have done nothing to reimagine space but to move desks further apart and eat lunch in one’s classroom. We have done nothing to address the fact that education and learning mean more than achieving Common Core standards. The incremental steps that can be taken now To salvage this opportunity and leave the door open for structural change, we need to enact incremental or even temporary changes before it is too late. 1) End compulsory education laws First, we propose to end compulsory education laws. In 1852, Massachusetts became the first state to enact a compulsory education law, which required every city and town to offer primary school that focused on grammar and basic arithmetic. Rooted in racism and institutionalized as a way to control minority populations, compulsory education laws became the norm across the US. Currently, with few exceptions, children across the US are required to attend public or state-accredited private schools from age 6 through 16. The most notable exceptions to the law include homeschooling and work release permits offered in many states that allow students to work outside of the school during normal school hours. In this unprecedented time, we need to consider an end to, or at the very least, a temporary moratorium on compulsory education laws. If done on a temporary basis, parents would be given the choice of whether to send their children to school for the 2020-2021 school year, thus creating a “gap year” alternative. In the temporary model, any child who does not attend school this fall will be required to begin again in the fall of 2021, and they will start the grade they are currently slated to start. How would this help? First, this would result in decongested schools and buses that would allow for more physical distancing, thus making it safer from a Covid-19 standpoint for students who attend in person as well as teachers and other staff. Second, it might relieve the anguish many parents across the wealth spectrum feel about the inadequacy of virtual education and our inability to monitor our child’s success. A gap year would unburden parents from having to monitor (and worry about) whether their children are paying attention, whether they have completed all their assignments, or whether they are engaged with their schoolwork. Parents may struggle with other activities to occupy their children, but likely will not experience the same stress of worrying that their child is “falling behind.” Third, it would provide students of all ages with an opportunity to learn outside the traditional classroom. High school-age students may be able to work for the year, helping their families with income and gaining valuable work experience. Younger students may participate in learning pods with other families such that it unburdens individual families with child care responsibilities and children may be exposed to culturally diverse experiences in other households. Finally, there is not a dearth of college-age students who are also taking a gap year or who are unable to find gainful employment and stand ready to provide enrichment activities and other social-emotional learning opportunities to boost their résumés. Blake Nissen for The Boston Globe via Getty Images Community members joined Milton teachers in a March against racism on Juneteenth 2020 in Milton, Massachusetts. 2) Do not reinstate standardized tests When school buildings closed in March and April, the door to structural change for public education seemed wide open. Educators were partnered with families and community organizations knowing that student success was not possible without these relationships. The cancellation of standardized tests was central to this progress. It allowed teachers to engage students in more meaningful learning experiences instead of weeks of test prep, and there was one less barrier to post-secondary education for many students who were no longer required to take a college admission exam. Teachers across the country came together to form grassroots organizations to provide online learning experiences for educators who wanted to develop their understanding of anti-racist and liberatory pedagogy. This was only possible because teachers were no longer bound by standardized tests as a marker of success. As a result, students were able to engage in schoolwork that spoke to them. This, coupled with the absence of routine harmful interactions with school resource officers and oppressive school policies faced by many Black and brown students, meant that some students were engaged like never before. School districts and teachers should seize on the fact that a number of colleges and universities are waiving ACT and SAT requirements for the upcoming year. There is no need to reinstate these problematic and inherently racist tests. A continued moratorium on standardized testing buys us time to reimagine what we consider to be valuable knowledge and skills. 3) Empower teachers While individual teachers have little control over state- and district-wide policies, they can continue to strengthen relationships with parents and students and design curriculums that centers their voices and lived experiences. They can use anti-bias and anti-racist pedagogy not just during back-to-school professional development but for the long haul. They can use resources (such as Liberate & Chill and the Abolitionist Teaching Network) to create teacher and student learning experiences that provide space to imagine new possibilities and the tools to remake the educational system. They can advocate to make schools a place for educators and not police officers. They can push schools to reinvest resources at school level and implement restorative justice policies and practices that will help close the school-to-prison pipeline. They can do this if given the freedom to innovate by districts and unconstrained by the need to “teach to the test.” These ideas are not without problems Inequities will exist between those students in a gap year who can afford enrichment activities or a full-time one-on-one care provider and those who are part of a gap-year family child care pod. We need a systematic way to ensure that children who are on a gap year remain engaged in some activity that captures their attention and imagination, or addresses a need. Schools receive funds based on pupil size, which, in turn, is how teachers are provided salaries. Fewer students means less funds (as the president has implied), which would lead to teacher layoffs. Instead of threatening to withhold funding, public schools should receive federal funds to support innovative approaches and retain teachers during this turbulent time. If the federal government can find ways to provide relief packages to corporations, they can surely find a way to provide financial relief to public school districts. Many people will likely bemoan the lack of standardized testing, as there will be no “objective” way to measure students’ success. But it is clear that standardized tests are not a measure of academic success or intellect and we must resist calls for their reinstatement. Finally, teachers may encounter resistance from school districts, parents, and government officials. Teachers cannot do this alone, and we need a broad coalition of parents and educators who see this as a way forward to address both health and equity. These actions do not fix the problem, but they are necessary steps Do these actions fix all the problems with the educational system? Absolutely not. Based on our own conversations and experiences, educators have gotten wrapped up in the “we must do everything” mentality instead of the “we must do something” mentality that we are missing the opportunity to do anything. With time running out before public schools reconvene the same system that has not changed in the past 50 years, we must be willing to look for unconventional solutions, no matter how temporary they may be. As we have seen in the health care system, even temporary changes such as reimbursement for telehealth visits will be hard to reverse. The educational system would be wise to implement even temporary policies such that they leave the door open for the future. Unfortunately, it will likely take another global pandemic to create a similar window of opportunity for change. Joshua Barocas is an infectious diseases physician at Boston Medical Center and assistant professor of Medicine at Boston University School of Medicine. Jennifer Lacy received her PhD in curriculum and instruction from the University of Wisconsin Madison. She teaches high school science in Kansas City, Missouri, and is the director of Education for American Daughters.
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A British nurse on the front lines of the coronavirus pandemic was so engrossed in her work that she ignored a persistent pain for two months – and eventually had her leg amputated because of a tumor, according to a report. Sette Buenaventura, 26, a part-time model, worked 12-hour shifts at the Salford Royal Hospital...
95 charged in Atlantic City looting after protest of George Floyd death
Ninety-five people are facing charges following an “exhaustive investigation” into rioting and looting in Atlantic City after a protest of the killing of George Floyd.
California man robbed of entire life savings outside bank, reports say
Authorities are looking for any additional footage of the incident.
LeBron James hints at mysterious ‘off the floor’ Lakers problem
The NBA’s bubble might keep COVID-19 out but nobody said it would be drama-proof, too. While the Lakers have secured the No. 1 seed in the Western Conference, they seem to have some pressing worries on their hands as they inch closer to starting the playoffs in Orlando. They are 2-3 through five games with...
Legal analyst: New York has a "very good case" against the NRA
New York Attorney General Letitia James filed a lawsuit Thursday seeking to dissolve the NRA. The suit accuses top executives including CEO Wayne LaPierre of misusing millions of dollars on lavish personal expenses. Criminal defense attorney Joseph Tully joins CBSN's Elaine Quijano with his legal analysis.
Virginia Giuffre: Sex with Prince Andrew was ‘the longest 10 minutes of my life’
Jeffrey Epstein “sex slave” Virginia Giuffre claimed that sex with foot-licking fetishist Prince Andrew was “the longest 10 minutes of my life,” according to a new report. Giuffre made the lurid claim in a manuscript for the “The Billionaire’s Playboy Club’,” — her memoir about her alleged abuse at the hands of the late multimillionaire,...
Washington Post fact-checker roasted for dismissing Biden diversity gaffe: 'He didn’t actually say this'
Washington Post fact checker Glenn Kessler was roasted on social media Thursday for dismissing presumptive Democratic nominee Joe Biden’s latest gaffe, claiming the former vice president "didn’t actually say this" despite video that arguably proves otherwise.
Trump reimposes 10 percent tariff on Canadian aluminum
President Trump has reimposed a 10 percent tariff on Canadian aluminum, saying the northern neighbor sent too much of the metal to the US.
Power Outage Leaves Several Blocks in the Dark in Manhattan
NEW YORK CITY (AP) — A power outage cast darkness across dozens of blocks in New York City early Friday, as many people in the city were still without electricity in the aftermath of Tropical Storm Isaias. Con Edison said in a tweet that it was aware of a “brief service interruption,” later adding that…
Black communities are not 'monolithic' like the far left believes, says former NYPD lieutenant
The African American community definitely wants police in their neighborhoods, said former NYPD Lt. Dr. Darrin Porcher on Friday.
'It's game on': NBA bubble food gets new spin thanks to popular master chef Shawn Loving
Shawn Loving expected to be in Tokyo for the Summer Olympics, but now he's in Orlando, Florida, making sure NBA players are well fed in the bubble.
Here’s How ‘Selling Sunset’ Handles Chrishell’s Divorce
Why did Chrishell and Justin get divorced? What did Christine have to say? And who is Sofia Pernas?!
'Selling Sunset' star Chrishell Stause reveals she learned of husband Justin Hartley's divorce filing via text
“Selling Sunset” star Chrishell Stause revealed that her estranged husband Justin Hartley texted her to inform her that he filed for divorce.
Derrick Lewis spits in opponent’s food ahead of UFC showdown
UFC heavyweight Derrick Lewis was slammed on social media after he spit in his opponent’s food ahead of their fight. Lewis, 35, headlines a UFC Fight Night shows in Las Vegas against Alexey Oleynik, 43, on Saturday. Before the fight the pair were sent food by the UFC’s Performance Institute. And after Lewis got his...
PGA Championship, MLB, NBA, NHL and Travers make for betting bonanza
LAS VEGAS — Isn’t it great to have sports (and sports betting) back? If you’re like me, your head was spinning last week with all the action after 4¹/₂ months of relative inertia, so here’s a Weekend Betting Guide to keep you organized so you don’t get shut out whether you’re heading over the New...
She witnessed L.A.'s 1992 unrest from the suburbs. 'The Black Kids' reflects what she saw
Christina Hammonds Reed was only 8 when L.A. erupted and slowly awakened to Black disadvantage. So does the narrator of her debut YA novel.
In new era of sports consumption without fans, it's all apologies for 'potty mouths'
The absence of fans in stadiums and arenas has created challenges for TV broadcasters looking to capture the game vividly without the colorful language.
When can I expect to receive my passport? Nobody knows
The U.S. State Department says it is chipping away at a huge backlog of applications.
Michelle Obama and Melinda Gates: We can't ignore adolescent girls in Covid-19 response
History has shown that a global crisis like the Covid-19 pandemic puts the education, safety and futures of adolescent girls at even greater risk, leaving the world in further peril. Michelle Obama and Melinda Gates argue that addressing these risks must be a priority in the world's pandemic response.