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Watch live: Trump holds press conference on jobs numbers
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The great writer of dread, Shirley Jackson, finally gets a movie that befits her legacy
Elisabeth Moss plays the writer Shirley Jackson in Shirley. | Neon Elisabeth Moss stars in the eerie Shirley as a fictionalized version of one of the 20th century’s greatest writers — and it feels like a story Jackson would have written. The critic and scholar Stanley Hyman refused to read his wife’s 1959 novel The Haunting of Hill House because he was too frightened. He’d been the first reader of her four prior novels and dozens of short stories that creeped the hell out of him and countless others. By then, Hyman knew: When you marry Shirley Jackson, your reading material might haunt you. Throughout her life and after it — Jackson died in 1965 — the author was far more famous than her husband, even though she mostly tried to stay out of the public eye, preferring to focus on her children and her work. But the New Yorker’s publication of her 1948 short story “The Lottery,” which American schoolchildren read and rarely forget, instantly fixed her as one of the foremost writers of ... of what? She’s often lumped in with “horror” writers, but the characterization doesn’t quite fit. “The Lottery,” for example, is about a town’s yearly ritual of stoning one resident, who is selected by a process in which all the townspeople drawing lots. It’s a premise readers realize with growing disquiet, horror the way the 2019 film Midsommar is horror: more interested in the basic terror of human existence and the rituals of human society than anything from the world beyond. Living, dying, and having to deal with other people is scary enough. If “The Lottery,” or Jackson’s 1951 novel Hangsaman, are horror, so is Camus’s The Stranger, or Kafka’s many yarns. And even when Jackson relies on more traditional horror plot devices (like The Haunting of Hill House’s ghost-haunted mansion), her rendering is infused with something uneasy, as if everything our brains register as supernatural are just the flailings of a disturbed psyche, and we, her readers, are as susceptible as the characters. That delicious existential fright, which also reveals the inner workings of the human mind, is precisely why Jackson’s work has drawn such rabid fans, though she’s still often considered underrated when juxtaposed with her peers. So it makes perfect sense for a new cinematic consideration of the author to tweak its audience the same way Jackson did — even if it doesn’t stick exactly to her real-life details. Jackson is the subject of Shirley, but the details have been remixed Jackson and her family — Hyman, their four children, and an assortment of pets — bounced around New England throughout the 1940s and ‘50s. They spent time in Vermont, New York City, and Connecticut before finally settling down in Bennington, Vermont, where Hyman became a star professor at Bennington College. Bennington is a progressive college for women, and Hyman’s courses on mythology and ritual, in particular, were among the most popular on campus. Meanwhile, Jackson looked after the children (a job she relished, by all accounts), claimed to dabble in witchcraft here and there, and wrote — sometimes to pay the bills and sometimes to scare the bejeezus out of people. As her fame grew, she also gave lectures and taught at writers’ workshops. The picture her biographies paint of her (especially Ruth Franklin’s seminal 2017 biography, Shirley Jackson: A Rather Haunted Life) is a funny, hyper-talented, mostly confident woman with a keen eye for seeing past the niceties that people throw up to mask their real feelings. Late in her life, beset by health issues and anxieties and worn down by decades of Hyman’s philandering, she became severely agoraphobic. And though she began to recover with the help of therapy in 1964, she passed away in her sleep in 1965, at the age of 48. Neon Michael Stuhlbarg in Shirley. Most of these details show up in Shirley, adapted by playwright Sarah Gubbins from Susan Scarf Merrell’s 2014 novel by the same name. The novel is based on the life of Shirley Jackson but filtered through the spirit of Jackson’s own novels; the result is a fictionalized version of the real woman, kind of a Shirley Jackson remix, in which she’s locked inside a world she might have written. Directed by Josephine Decker (Madeline’s Madeline), Shirley stars Elisabeth Moss as Jackson, who in the film is newly famous following the publication of “The Lottery.” (Aside from earning a spot as an iconic work of American short fiction, the story also holds the distinction of generating more reader mail than any work of fiction the New Yorker has ever published.) She’s both suffering from a serious bout of agoraphobia and beginning to write a new novel about a girl who disappears — a book that will become Hangsaman — when a pair of newlyweds, the Nemsers, show up with their bags at her house. Fred Nemser (Logan Lerman) is Stanley’s (Michael Stuhlbarg) new assistant, and Fred and his newly pregnant wife Rose (Odessa Young) have been invited to move in with Stanley and Shirley while looking for more permanent housing. Rose is fascinated with the famous, prickly Shirley, whom she finds a little frightening and off-putting as well as strangely alluring. The weeks the Nemsers were meant to stay in the Hyman-Jackson household stretch into months, as Fred becomes busy with his new job. Rose and Shirley, stuck in oddly similar situations as faculty wives, grow closer — their lives more intertwined, their psyches seeming to meld into one another’s, their interest in the real-life case of a missing Bennington girl growing more keen. Shirley expertly evokes the dread and panic that comes with societal expectations Decker brings an expressionistic style to the story that’s a perfect match for Jackson’s dreamy, blurry writing and sets the film in a house that seems wild and feral, covered in ivy and sprouting dishes and piles of books around every corner. Occasionally, we watch people have conversations from a distance, and Decker’s use of a handheld camera gives the impression of an invisible lurking, watching being, or maybe it’s nothing — a technique that seems borrowed from Jackson’s work. Shirley starts out seeming strictly realistic, despite the liberties it takes with Jackson’s own biography; in this telling, there are no children in the house, and Jackson’s “spells” of depression, anxiety, and agoraphobia started far earlier in her life than they did in reality. But as the movie goes on, the in-world reality and fantasy start to coil and twist. As in Jackson’s novels, we start to wonder if we’re being led on by an unreliable narrator. We catch snatches of images, close-ups, and blurred moments that are pieced together. When one character digs in the dirt then writhes in it a little, is it really happening? Does it matter? Neon Elisabeth Moss and Odessa Young on Shirley. And, more importantly, it seems possible the unreliable narrator might be the one who sees the world most clearly. All throughout Shirley is a sense of dread and panic, like the walls are pressing in, an apt sensation for a movie about the suffocating expectations to which women are held in a midcentury New England community — even one as ostensibly progressive as Bennington College. Might a woman who doesn’t want to play nice, who feels like everyone is looking at her, just flee? Could reality just collapse in on her and bury her entirely? Shirley is a fictionalization of the real Shirley Jackson. But by the end of the film, when Stanley calls Shirley his “horrifically talented bride,” it feels like that fictionalization has captured her essence perfectly, if not her actuality. The details are smudged and fudged, but Shirley unpacks the crux of one of the 20th century’s great writers, evoking not just her life but the existential terror that she and women like her were always facing, and still do. Shirley is streaming on Hulu and is available to digitally rent or purchase on platforms, including iTunes, Amazon, Google Play, Vudu, and on-demand providers. If you’d like to support a local theater, you can also watch it through a “virtual theatrical” release at theaters around the country — see the Neon website for more details. (You will receive a link to watch the movie after buying a virtual ticket.) If you’re new to Shirley Jackson, here are a few places to start to learn more about her life and work: “The Lottery,” by Shirley Jackson at the New Yorker “The Haunted Mind of Shirley Jackson,” by Zoë Heller at the New Yorker Shirley Jackson: A Most Haunted Life, by Ruth Franklin “In Search of Shirley Jackson’s House,” by Kathye Fetsko Petrie at LitHub “Who’s Afraid of Shirley Jackson?” by Martyn Wendell Jones at Books & Culture Shirley Jackson: Novels and Stories, edited by Joyce Carol Oates Support Vox’s explanatory journalism Every day at Vox, we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you, and our audience around the world, with information that has the power to save lives. Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment: to empower you through understanding. Vox’s work is reaching more people than ever, but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn. Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation, but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles, videos, and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires. Please consider making a contribution to Vox today.
US unemployment rate declines to 13.3%
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The US economy added 2.5 million jobs in May
Photo by Naomi Baker/Getty Images A surprisingly quick bounce-back from pandemic lows The American economy added 2.5 million jobs in May and the unemployment rate fell to 13.3 percent according to data released Friday morning by the Bureau of Labor Statistics. That’s still the highest level the United States has seen since the Great Depression, a reflection of the damage Covid-19 and lockdowns have inflicted on the economy, but it also represents a bounce back from last month’s rate of 14.7 percent. And to be clear — it’s a huge and somewhat puzzling surprise. Consensus forecasts called for something like 7 million additional job losses in May, based largely on inferences from the sizable number of new Unemployment Insurance claims that continued to pile up throughout the month. Everyone expected the economy to start bouncing back once restrictions on business activity were lifted, but the way the monthly jobs report works is that the surveys are based on a reference week and would have been conducted around May 12, which is before most reopening happened. Betsey Stevenson, the former chief economist at the US Department of Labor and a member of the Obama administration Council of Economic Advisors, did see the possibility of something like this happening, writing back on May 9 that “if more workers are brought back from furlough..than were laid off in the second half of April and early May, then non-farm payrolls could even start to climb.” But if you want to understand how genuinely shocking these results are, Justin Wolfers, a University of Michigan economist who happens to be Stevenson’s husband, said this strong May bounce back is something “no one saw coming.” Real-time reax: WHAT THE WHAT???— Justin Wolfers (@JustinWolfers) June 5, 2020 Meanwhile, the actual level of unemployment remains frighteningly high — worse than during the worst moments of the Great Recession. That said, the effects of rampant unemployment have been somewhat blunted as a large share of the non-working population has been able to avail itself unemployment insurance benefits. These benefits have been made $600 per week more generous than usual, meaning most low wage workers actually get more from UI than they got from their jobs. Back in April, the conjunction of those enhanced UI benefits with the $1,200 stimulus checks most people got meant that personal income went up even as joblessness soared. Meanwhile, restrictions on business activity started lifting in late May and are now at least partially rolled back everywhere. Data from airline bookings, OpenTable restaurant reservation metrics, and basically every other available source of information suggests we are seeing a significant bounce-back in activity as restrictions lift. The big issue is that in the early stages of a recovery, a trajectory that bounces all the way back to pre-pandemic levels and a trajectory that bounces back to 90 percent of pre-pandemic levels look pretty similar. But that still means a sustained 10 percent fall in economic activity, which is a pretty big recession. The Congressional Budget Office is currently forecasting a rapid partial recovery followed by a prolonged stall that would leave the jobless rate much lower than it was in May, but about as high as it was at the peak of the Great Recession. Congressional Budget Office And, of course, those unusually generous unemployment benefits are set to expire at the end of July — meaning that while by August we should see a lot fewer unemployed people than we had in May, they will be experiencing a lot more economic hardship. Pair that with looming crises in state and local government budgets, and we could be facing a big second wave of economic pain in the fall unless Congress acts to provide additional relief.
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Rep. Anthony Brown at a press conference about President Donald Trump’s summit with Russian President Vladimir Putin on July 18, 2018. | Sarah Silbiger/CQ Roll Call “I don’t think he has it in his heart,” the lawmaker told Vox. Maryland Rep. Anthony Brown is the vice chair of the House Armed Services Committee, a former lieutenant governor of his state, and a retired Army colonel in the US Army Reserves. He’s also an African American man, and a father of three, including two sons. If anyone precisely understands the moment America is in — the racial inequality, the anger and fear and pain, the thirst for leadership, the precarious reliance on military force — it’s him. As a black man in America, Brown understands the need to protest against police brutality and for justice. As a former military officer, he knows the complexities and risks of sending National Guard members into US cities. And as a Congress member, he has a platform to enact change and hold leaders, and especially President Donald Trump, accountable for their actions — or their inaction, as the case may be. In an extended interview, the lawmaker got personal, telling me about the fear he feels when his sons go outside and the anger he’s experienced after George Floyd’s death at the hands of Minnesota police: “I’m sad, I’m troubled, and I’m distressed,” Brown said. “I’ve got two 20-year-old sons — young black men — and I’ve always had concerns when they leave the home.” He told me that while he doesn’t condone violent protests, he does understand them. “You have to understand where the anger comes from: There’s a community — the African American community — that rightfully believes we have been the victims of assault and attacks.” I also asked him why he thinks President Trump hasn’t made serious efforts to unite and heal the nation. “I don’t think he has it in his heart,” Brown told me. “He doesn’t understand, nor is he interested in, my 20-year-old son, Jon. And he certainly isn’t interested sincerely and genuinely in George Floyd and his daughter that he left behind and the mother of his daughter.” “He lacks a basic understanding of who we are and he acts with indifference,” he added. Brown wouldn’t label Trump a racist, but he came about as close as he ever has. “Look at his response to the rally in Charlottesville, calling them fine people, when they were clearly advocating white nationalism, anti-Semitism, and racism,” he said. “What does it say about a person who, when characterizing other people who are clearly racist, called them fine people?” Our interview, edited for length and clarity, is below. Alex Ward You’re a top House Armed Services Committee member, a former lieutenant governor, a retired Army Reserve colonel, and a black man. You have a unique perspective on this moment. How do you personally see the moment we’re in? Rep. Anthony Brown I’m sad, I’m troubled, and I’m distressed. You know, I’ve got two 20-year-old sons — young black men — and I’ve always had concerns when they leave the home. When I see George Floyd laying face down, with a police officer’s knee on his neck for nearly nine minutes, I have serious fears about what a police encounter would result in [for my sons]. I talk to them regularly about stuff like this. But look: This is not new in this country. It’s just revealing and exposing what we know and understand to be the inequalities in our country, brought about by racial bias and just blatant racial discrimination in people’s conduct, their practice, and in policies. You see these disparities playing out in our schools, our prisons, our health system, our economy, and during this pandemic. It’s now been revealed to the larger public that there are those of us who have lived this reality and existed in it for quite some time. The protests have endured because people in the street are angry, and they have a right to be angry. Alex Ward Are you angry? Rep. Anthony Brown I’m really angry, and I’ve been angry for quite some time. I’ve tried to channel my anger into the work that I do in Congress, as a member of the Congressional Black Caucus and what I do on the Armed Services Committee. You have to understand where the anger comes from: There’s a community — the African American community — that rightfully believes we have been the victims of assault and attacks. I don’t condone the violence; it’s a peaceful protest, and you can be disruptive without being violent. But for some, they see a violent assault on a member of the community and they respond with violence. I’m not justifying it, but I’m trying to explain why I think it’s happening. Win McNamee/Getty Images A women addresses a crowd gathered at the Martin Luther King Jr. Memorial to protest against police brutality and the death of George Floyd, on June 4, 2020, in Washington, DC. Alex Ward The president’s theory is that a strong, militarized response will help quash the riots and calm the protests. Do you think that’s a good plan of action? Rep. Anthony Brown No, I don’t think the right course of action is to militarize these events. Peaceful protests should not be met with military force. Certainly the looting and the arson needs to be addressed by local police who work in the community. Where the capacity of the police is exceeded, it should be supplemented by the National Guard at the direction of a governor. This is not the time for the president to talk about using the Insurrection Act, federalizing the National Guard, or deploying active-duty military. That will only escalate, compound, and make worse what we’ve seen in some cities across the nation. Alex Ward You served in uniform. What must be going through the minds of National Guard members as they perform law enforcement functions right now? Rep. Anthony Brown When you order a member of the National Guard on duty to bring relief to the United States — like in New Orleans or Mississippi in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina — those men and women in uniform take great pride in doing that kind of work. They’re using their skills, their talents, and available resources to deliver aid and relief. They can provide confidence to a community that’s in distress. But when you issue an order to that same set of soldiers and airmen, and you tell them that their mission is to essentially counter and prevent the expression of a people’s anger and concern, it’s not well received. We’re human beings, even when we put on the uniform. We accept the orders, and as long as it’s lawful, we execute. But that’s a hard mission to execute, knowing that people are doing the right thing in response to a very tragic event. That said, the National Guard is well trained in quelling disturbances, in managing riots, in being a deterrent to would-be arsonists and looters who want to destroy property or do harm to people. They’ll always take on that mission when necessary. Alex Ward We did see instances this week when some National Guard members didn’t seem to execute those orders very well. I’m specifically thinking of the medical helicopter flown low over protesters in Washington, DC, to disperse them. Roberto Schmidt/AFP via Getty Images A military helicopter flies low, pushing a strong vertical down wash of air onto the crowd during a protest over the death of George Floyd in Washington, DC, on June 1, 2020. Rep. Anthony Brown I don’t know who directed a military helicopter to do that. There were reports that some people were injured by that move. Look, I flew helicopters on active duty, and the idea that I’d hover 50 feet above any living creature — let alone a human being — is just beyond the pale. [Editor’s note: The DC National Guard is now investigating this event.] Alex Ward If you were out there protesting now, would you feel safe? Rep. Anthony Brown I would certainly be on a heightened sense of alert. There are many cities in which they’ve had peaceful protests with almost no acts of violence. It just seems to be as it gets later into the evening, many peaceful protesters go home, which is not to say that peaceful protesters don’t remain. But nighttime is certainly when those who want to agitate and act unlawfully do their thing. So, yeah, I would feel safe to go out to a peaceful protest, and I would be having a high sense of awareness and be vigilant about my surroundings for the first sign of violence or heightened tensions. Alex Ward There are many who say the president has inflamed current tensions. Has he mishandled this moment, and race relations more broadly? Rep. Anthony Brown This is who he is: a person who would use local law enforcement and the National Guard to clear out peaceful protesters in Lafayette Park and use tear gas and force. And then beyond that, creating a photo opportunity in front of a church with a Bible. That is what foments the disturbances around the country. That’s why it heightens tensions, because people become angrier. When Americans see a president unwilling and incapable of healing, I do believe it leads to heightened tensions every day that passes. Most every other president would have given a major speech during primetime to calm our communities, to reassure people that it’s going to be okay, to call for justice and the accountability of these officers, and any other officer or person who would engage in similar conduct. We haven’t seen that from this president, and that contributes to the anger that you’re seeing every night. Joana Toro/VIEWpress via Getty Images Protesters march against the death of George Floyd on June 4, 2020, in Harlem, New York. Alex Ward Why do you think the president hasn’t made serious efforts to unite and heal the nation? Rep. Anthony Brown I don’t think he has it in his heart to do that. I don’t think he has genuine empathy for people. He doesn’t understand, nor is he interested in, my 20-year-old son, Jon. And he certainly isn’t interested sincerely and genuinely in George Floyd and his daughter that he left behind and the mother of his daughter. I don’t think he can conjure up the words himself, and he probably would feel exceedingly awkward reading someone else’s words in such a national moment where all eyes would be on him. I think he’s very uncomfortable being compassionate, being empathetic. Alex Ward Some people are going to read those comments and infer that you’re implying President Trump is a racist. Rep. Anthony Brown I think that the president — um, let me see how to put this. Look at his words and his conduct, the way that he talks about and to black people. Whether he’s referencing African nations as “shithole countries,” when he said “look at my African American” on the campaign trail, when he asked us during the campaign “what do you have to lose?” — he doesn’t understand the challenges, the hurdles, the history of suffering and sacrifices that African Americans have gone through. He lacks a basic understanding of who we are, and he acts with indifference. Alex Ward So Trump isn’t racist, just indifferent to the plight of African Americans. Rep. Anthony Brown He’s indifferent to what I described earlier as those disparities, inequities, and inequalities that exist, and he lacks an understanding for why they exist. He doesn’t understand that you have a disproportionate number of African American men incarcerated today and that you can trace that back to Jim Crow laws in the immediate aftermath of slavery, when there was an effort to keep African Americans in bondage. He doesn’t understand, nor does he care to. Alex Ward Is it his indifference that led him to respond to the George Floyd protests with force but to praise anti-coronavirus lockdown activists at state capitols who were openly carrying weapons? Rep. Anthony Brown Yeah, there you have it. Or look at his response to the rally in Charlottesville, calling them “fine people,” when they were clearly advocating white nationalism, anti-Semitism, and racism. What does it say about a person who, when characterizing other people who are clearly racist, called them “fine people”? Alex Ward I’m sorry to belabor this, and I’m not trying to lead you. But it’s interesting to hear you say Trump is unwilling to understand the plight of minorities, has called racists “very fine people,” and sees no issues with using active-duty force against African Americans — and yet you’re unwilling to call him a racist. What’s stopping you from going that far? Rep. Anthony Brown Labeling someone a racist — that’s a really profound label that takes on an even larger meaning when you’re talking about the president of the United States. I don’t know if labeling him a racist necessarily advances the conversation. As an elected official, I’ve assumed a lot of labels — never “racist” — but a lot of labels. Sometimes they’re appropriate, sometimes they’re not accurate. But if you look at my actions and statements, it’s clear I take issue with the president with matters involving race. I hold him accountable for, and critique, what he says and what he does. Alex Ward If the president were to call you right now and ask for advice on what to do, what would you tell him? Rep. Anthony Brown First, he should deliver a national speech calling for unity, calling for justice and accountability, being very specific about a calling for justice in the case of George Floyd, and calling for a commitment to reforming police accountability. I would recommend a recommitment to President Obama’s Task Force on 21st Century Policing that came out with a list of recommendations. It’d show a commitment to advancing policing reform efforts in this country. Second, I would recommend making clear that he doesn’t see a set of conditions requiring an invocation of the Insurrection Act of 1807, or even federalizing the National Guard. Make clear this will be handled by the states and their communities, in a peaceful way, and in a way that emphasizes deescalation, not escalation. Third, I would recommend — though I’m not sure it’d be well received — that he explore participation in some sort of public service, even remotely. He needs to be connected to the mourning, and call for reconciliation associated with the murder of George Floyd. Support Vox’s explanatory journalism Every day at Vox, we aim to answer your most important questions and provide you, and our audience around the world, with information that has the power to save lives. Our mission has never been more vital than it is in this moment: to empower you through understanding. Vox’s work is reaching more people than ever, but our distinctive brand of explanatory journalism takes resources — particularly during a pandemic and an economic downturn. Your financial contribution will not constitute a donation, but it will enable our staff to continue to offer free articles, videos, and podcasts at the quality and volume that this moment requires. Please consider making a contribution to Vox today.
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