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Victor Blackwell fact-checks Trump on medical stockpiles
CNN's Victor Blackwell examines President Donald Trump's claims about the national stockpile of medical supplies needed to fight coronavirus.
The Coronavirus Is Hurting Travel, So Greece Has Begun Offering Virtual Tourism
Greece is looking at enormous losses in a main industry due to COVID-19. Authorities have launched a website for virtual visits "until we can all be together in person again," a tourism official says.
Distinguished person of the week: He put human life first
Who stood out last week?
Spain records lowest rise in coronavirus deaths since early March, while PM issues challenge to the EU
Pope: In the empty streets, the gospel of Easter will resound
Places of worship around the world adapt to social distancing rules to try and slow the spread of novel coronavirus.
Coronavirus Update: U.S. Virus Deaths Surpass 8,500 as Cruise Ship with Victims Onboard Docks in Florida
Coronavirus cases in the U.S. soared past 300,000 on Sunday, more than double the total of Spain, the country with the second-highest number of confirmed cases.
As coronavirus bears down on Michigan, college football coaches brace for the worst
The spread of COVID-19 has raised concern in college athletics that 2020 could pass without a college football season, including in Michigan.        
Pope opens Holy Week amid pandemic; says now is the time to serve
Pope Francis marked a surreal Palm Sunday in an empty St. Peter's Basilica, urging people living through the coronavirus pandemic not to be so concerned with what they lack but how they can ease the suffering of others.
Does Bernie have a path to victory? Even top aides aren’t sure anymore.
Some in Sanders’ inner circle have advised him to consider dropping out.
Day 25 without sports
To mark Day 25 without sports, we are turning to a traditional sports debate: Who is the best athlete to wear No. 25? Let's break it down.       
Why We Keep Getting the Lessons of the Spanish Flu Wrong
History matters in a crisis like this, but not the way most people use it.
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Trapped By The Coronavirus Pandemic, Congress Tries New Ways Of Legislating From Home
Congress left for an extended recess as a result of the coronavirus outbreak and may not return for several weeks. Lawmakers say their days have turned into a blur of conference calls and video chats.
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Trump's Oil Diplomacy Is Probably Doomed, so Brace for $10 a Barrel | Opinion
After Trump's tweet cited a 10-15 million barrel per day cut, oil prices have soared and anything less than that will be seen as a failure.
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Column: Joe Biden is stuck in his basement. It just might help him win
Being out of the public eye may be good for Biden's prospects. He's running as the I'm-not-Trump candidate, and voters will know that next fall.
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Privacy agenda threatened in West’s virus fight
Years of efforts to safeguard personal data in the U.S. and Europe are running headlong into calls for "drastic actions" to counter the pandemic.
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Paul Batura: The Palm Sunday that gave me hope the sun would shine again 
Wherever you are this Palm Sunday, don’t give up. Don’t lose hope. We may not be able to see what God is up to, but we can still believe He is working as we sing.
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Food waste becoming a bigger problem than shortages as farmers and regulators grapple with sudden changes
The Covid-19 pandemic is leading to "tsunami" of change in how people buy food.
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Billy Cerveny: Coronavirus crisis – My Sunday message about why being out of control is a gift
It is so easy to become giddy with the illusion that things are in my control.
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Cuomo evokes Trump in war with Schumer over coronavirus funding
The decades-long Cuomo and Schumer relationship has never been noteworthy for its warmth.
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Spin Won’t Save Trump
History shows us that theatrical press briefings can’t disguise bad policy.
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Combat Rewind, April 5: Top highlights include a slick twister, a flying knee and a liver shot
Check out the best highlights from this day in history with MMA Junkie's "Combat Rewind."       Related StoriesGilbert Burns says he's Tyron Woodley's only option for UFC 249: 'I'm the guy available'Matt Mitrione praises Bellator for postponements: 'You can't force a square peg in a round hole'Shamil Gamzatov out of UFC on ESPN+ 31 fight vs. Ovince Saint Preux 
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America Through the Glass
Empty street corners, quiet monuments and the distant echo of life in the time of coronavirus.
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The new coronavirus funding battle over the November election
A vote-by-mail push by Democrats sets up new clash over coronavirus relief.
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Little Demons, Death And Biting Dogs: How We Picture Disease
Today's cartoonists are depicting the novel coronavirus as an angry, spiky ball — reflecting our knowledge of viruses. But before we knew what they looked like, we imagined disease differently.
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Funeral Homes Overwhelmed With COVID-19 Cases
As the U.S. death toll from the coronavirus increases, so does the strain on funeral homes across the country. Funeral directors are struggling to meet the soaring demand for their services.
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America’s low-key social distancers: Trump’s family
Their consistent advocacy for staying apart stands in contrast to the president’s wavering messages.
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Coronavirus reading: 10 inspirational books that offer advice on how to live in tough times
Whether you need a comforting shoulder to lean on or a well-meaning kick in the pants, these books will help get you through this difficult time.        
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Lamborghini is hand stitching face masks to fight COVID-19
The automaker is converting departments of its super sports car production plant in Europe to produce surgical masks and plexiglass shields.       
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Aid workers seek to avoid coronavirus outbreak at Matamoros migrant camp
Asylum-seekers camp near the border in crowded conditions, waiting indefinitely as the U.S. puts their cases on hold. Health workers fear an outbreak.
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How a discovery that brought us Viagra could help those battling the coronavirus
Inhaled nitric oxide appeared to kill the coronavirus that caused severe acute respiratory syndrome, or SARS, and it might work on COVID-19 as well.
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Death toll from coronavirus passes 300 in California on L.A. County's worst day yet
Los Angeles County on Saturday announced 28 additional deaths from COVID-19, the largest daily increase in the death toll yet.
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Mark Levin: Schumer 'banged pots and pans' about impeachment witnesses while coronavirus spread
Mark Levin slammed Sen. Charles Schumer, D-N.Y., and Rep. Adam Schiff, D-Calif., for being more focused on impeaching President Trump than using their congressional powers to prepare for the growing coronavirus pandemic.
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Unafraid to call out Trump, Hogan emerges as lead GOP voice for urgent action on pandemic
The Maryland governor made an early call for social distancing, and warns the D.C. region could be the next New York.
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This is what was so unusual about the U.S. Navy making Captain Brett Crozier step down.
Members of the military can face multiple, sometimes competing, loyalties.
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How to sew your own fabric mask
The CDC now recommends people wear face coverings in public to slow the spread of the coronavirus. Here's how you can make a fabric mask at home.
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New Orleans area's coronavirus death rate is highest in US, data show
The New Orleans area in southeast Louisiana had the highest coronavirus death rate in the U.S. as of Friday.
Significant storm system begins to impact California with heavy rain, flash flooding
An intensifying and complex storm system is bringing some bands of heavy rain and some mountain snow to parts of northern and central California this morning.
British health secretary: Follow coronavirus rules or we’ll ban outdoor exercise
Matt Hancock denies claims that the government’s previous policy was “herd immunity.”
Tiger King Joe Exotic Wishes He Could See Himself 'Being Famous' While in Mandatory Quarantine
"You know it would be nice if I could actually see me being famous out there, but I've seen these same four walls for a year and a half now," he told Netflix.
April Class of KidsPost: Sixth-graders at Gunston Middle School in Arlington
Luz Chamorro’s third-period class likes soccer, Ariana Grande and a lot of authors.
Consider the Possibility That Trump Is Right About China
When a new coronavirus emerged in China and began spreading around the world, including in the United States, President Donald Trump’s many critics in the American foreign-policy establishment were quick to identify him as part of the problem. Trump had campaigned on an “America first” foreign policy, which after his victory was enshrined in the official National Security Strategy that his administration published in 2017. At the time, I served in the administration and orchestrated the writing of that document. In the years since, Trump has been criticized for supposedly overturning the post–World War II order and rejecting the role the United States has long played in the world. Amid a global pandemic, he’s being accused—on this site and elsewhere—of alienating allies, undercutting multinational cooperation, and causing America to fight the coronavirus alone.And yet even as the current emergency has proved him right in fundamental ways—about China specifically and foreign policy more generally—many respectable people in the United States are letting their disdain for the president blind them to what is really going on in the world. Far from discrediting Trump’s point of view, the COVID-19 crisis reveals what his strategy asserted: that the world is a competitive arena in which great power rivals like China seek advantage, that the state remains the irreplaceable agent of international power and effective action, that international institutions have limited capacity to transform the behavior and preferences of states.[Kori Schake: ]The damage that ‘America first’ has doneChina, America’s most powerful rival, has played a particularly harmful role in the current crisis, which began on its soil. Initially, that country’s lack of transparency prevented prompt action that might have contained the virus. In Wuhan, the epicenter of the outbreak, Chinese officials initially punished citizens for “spreading rumors” about the disease. The lab in Shanghai that first published the genome of the virus on open platforms was shut down the next day for “rectification,” as the Hong Kong-based South China Morning Post reported in February. Apparently at the behest of officials at the Wuhan health commission, news reports indicate, visiting teams of experts from elsewhere in China were prevented from speaking freely to doctors in the infectious-disease wards. Some experts had suspected human-to-human transmission, but their inquiries were rebuffed. “They didn’t tell us the truth,” one team member said of the local authorities, “and from what we now know of the real situation then, they were lying” to us. Now China’s propagandists are competing to create a narrative that obscures the origins of the crisis and that blames the United States for the virus. This irresponsible behavior and lack of transparency revealed what Trump’s National Security Strategy had identified early on: that “contrary to our hopes, China expanded its power at the expense of others.” Instead of becoming a “responsible stakeholder”—a term George W. Bush’s administration used to describe the role it hoped Beijing would play following China’s entry into the World Trade Organization in 2001—the Chinese Communist Party used the advantages of WTO membership to advance a political and economic system at odds with America’s free and open society. Previous National Security Strategy documents had tiptoed around China’s adversarial conduct, as if calling out that country as a competitor—as the 2017 document unequivocally did—was somehow impolite.[Lindsay Gorman: ]5G is where China and the West finally divergeBut at some point, an American administration needed to shift the conversation away from hopes for an imagined future China to the realities of the Communist Party’s conduct—which is hardly a secret. For the decade and a half prior to 2017, Republican and Democratic leaders publicly worried about China’s unwillingness to play by the rules, but were reluctant to deal head on with China’s authoritarian government and statist economy. The bipartisan U.S.-China Economic Security Commission has consistently called out China’s unfair practices. In 2010, President Barack Obama lambasted China before the G-20 for its currency manipulation. The need to compete effectively with the policies of the Chinese Communist Party is one of the few points of agreement between Trump and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi. Even as he seeks to find ways to conclude reciprocal trade agreements, his administration has not lost sight of China’s aggressive rise.At least as controversial as Trump’s critique of China is his emphasis on the importance of sovereignty and his insistence that strong sovereign states are the main agents of change. But states are the foundation of democratic governance and, fundamentally, of security. It is the citizens of states who vote and hold leaders accountable. And it is states that are the foundation of military, political, and economic power in alliances such as NATO, or organizations like the United Nations.Trump’s emphasis on protecting U.S. sovereignty brought to a boil a simmering national debate about the overlooked costs of globalization. A blind adherence to what the economist Dani Rodrik has called “hyper-globalization”—the idea that the interests of big corporations and the principle of market integration took precedence over widely shared prosperity and economic security—had come at the expense of domestic industries. For years, people who complained about these consequences were dismissed as isolationists or as being on “the wrong side of history.”[Peter Beinart: ]Trump’s break with China has deadly consequencesThe coronavirus experience demonstrates that economic interaction does not occur in a vacuum of geopolitical competition. Dependence on China for crucial medical equipment throughout the pandemic has illuminated the dangers of a hyper-globalized economy. Experts had warned of American dependence on key drug ingredients from China. The Wall Street Journal has reported that China is the only maker of key ingredients for certain classes of drugs, including established antibiotics that treat a range of bacterial infections such as pneumonia. American reliance on Chinese suppliers for other pharmaceuticals and medical supplies is also worrisome. Americans should not depend on an authoritarian rival state for its citizens’ health—any more than the United States and other free and open societies should give Chinese companies, and by extension the Chinese Communist Party, control over communications infrastructure and sensitive personal data.Many of President Trump’s critics in the foreign-policy community put great stock in the ability of multilateral and international organizations to constrain the misbehavior of China and other states. These organizations, at their best, promote concerted action against commonly recognized problems. But Trump’s critics tend to view them mainly in their idealized form and as the central instruments to solve global problems and advance values shared by all. In practice, though, how international organizations perform is profoundly influenced by power relationships among member states.China’s leaders have become quite skillful at using in these bodies to pursue their own interests. President Xi Jinping has made it a priority—as he put it in a 2018 speech—to “reform” and lead in the “global governance system,” viewing such efforts as integral to “building a modern, strong socialist country.” Despite its record of stealing patented technologies, China tried to lead the World Intellectual Property Organization, an effort thwarted by Washington. Chinese tech companies to have sought to induce the United Nations adopt their facial-recognition and surveillance standards, to clear the way for the deployment of their technologies around the world.The Trump administration’s National Security Strategy challenged the assumption that international organizations are always driven by a common global good. China’s undue influence in key international organizations was evident most recently, when the World Health Organization hesitated to declare COVID-19 a public-health emergency of international concern. WHO officials amplified Chinese officials’ early claims that the virus posed no danger of human-to-human transmission. The head of the organization even congratulated China’s top leadership for its “openness to sharing information.” Apparently seeking to avoid Beijing’s wrath, the WHO refused to respond to Taiwan’s early concerns about human-to-human transmission of the virus outbreak in Wuhan.The COVID-19 experience, although far from over, has generated strong evidence that, while the WHO and other international organizations are of course important for information sharing and coordination, nations continue to do the heavy lifting. The United States remains the largest contributor to the WHO, paying about 15 percent of the organization’s budget—compared with China’s 0.21 percent. In early March, Trump signed a supplemental appropriations act that included $1.3 billion in additional U.S. foreign assistance for pandemic response. Most recently, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo announced an additional $274 million in emergency funding for at-risk countries. This aid does not come with the strings that China attaches to its aid.Contrary to what critics argue, “America first” does not mean “America alone.” That Trump might be introducing needed correctives to the hyper-globalization pursued by earlier administrations is generating serious cognitive dissonance in some quarters. And the reality is that only one organization in the entire world has as its sole responsibility the American people’s safety. That institution is the U.S. government. Whether led by Republicans or Democrats—or by Donald Trump or anyone else—it should always put the American people first.
Trump suggests firing watchdog was payback for impeachment
President Donald Trump is suggesting that he fired the inspector general for the intelligence community in retaliation for impeachment, saying the official was wrong to provide an anonymous whistleblower complaint to Congress as the law requires
How one Silicon Valley factory keeps running in the age of coronavirus
The managers at Green Circuits — a small Silicon Valley electronics factory — thought they would have to close when the San Francisco Bay Area directed non-essential businesses to shut almost three weeks ago.
Expert advising Boris Johnson's government says it is not clear whether the UK will 'see a long flat peak, or a much faster decline'
No parties, no problem: Introverts don't mind sheltering at home
With her painting, baking and near-constant gardening, Stephanie Hollowell kept busy at home even before efforts to stem the coronavirus pandemic meant she had to stay inside the Dallas, Texas house she calls her little kingdom.
Pope Francis celebrates Palm Sunday without public in St. Peter's
Pope Francis is celebrating Palm Sunday Mass without the public, since the traditional ceremony in St. Peter’s Square was scrapped because of the coronavirus pandemic.
The Revolution Is Only Getting Started
Fear sweeps the land. Many businesses collapse. Some huge fortunes are made. Panicked consumers stockpile paper, food, and weapons. The government’s reaction is inconsistent and ineffectual. Ordinary commerce grinds to a halt; investors can find no safe assets. Political factionalism grows more intense. Everything falls apart.This was all as true of revolutionary France in 1789 and 1790 as it is of the United States today. Are we at the beginning of a revolution that has yet to be named? Do we want to be? That we are on the verge of a major transformation seems obvious. The onset of the next Depression, a challenge akin to World War II, a national midlife crisis—these comparisons have been offered and many more. But few are calling our current moment a revolution, and some have suggested that the coronavirus pandemic—coinciding as it has with the surge in Joe Biden’s bid for the Democratic presidential nomination and the decline of Bernie Sanders’s—marks the end of any such possibility. “The Coronavirus Killed the Revolution,” declared the headline of a recent essay in The Atlantic by Shadi Hamid, who argued that the COVID-19 crisis makes people crave “normalcy” over deep structural change. As a historian of 18th- and 19th-century France, I think claims like these are mistaken.An urgent desire for stability—for a fast resolution to upheaval—is in fact absolutely characteristic of any revolutionary era. “I pray we will be finished by Christmas,” wrote one beleaguered member of the French Constituent Assembly to a good friend in October 1789. In reality, of course, the assembly took another two years to finish its tasks, after which another assembly was elected; a republic was declared; Louis XVI was put on trial and executed in January 1793; General Napoleon Bonaparte became “first consul” in 1799 and emperor in 1804; Europe found itself engulfed in wars from 1792 to 1815. In short, life never went back to how it had been before 1789.[Read: The social-distancing culture war has begun]The United States may not be having a revolution right now, but we are surely living in revolutionary times. If we do not perceive them as such, it is because news coverage and everyday conversations alike turn on nonhuman agents. Instead of visionary leaders or outraged crowds, viruses, markets, and climate change seem to shape events today. History feels like it is out of our hands.People sometimes imagine yesterday’s revolutions as planned and carried out by self-conscious revolutionaries, but this has rarely, if ever, been the case. Instead, revolutions are periods in which social actors with different agendas (peasants stealing rabbits, city dwellers sacking tollbooths, lawmakers writing a constitution, anxious Parisians looking for weapons at the Bastille Fortress) become fused into a more or less stable constellation. The most timeless and emancipatory lesson of the French Revolution is that people make history. Likewise, the actions we take and the choices we make today will shape both what future we get and what we remember of the past.Analogies between the first months of the French Revolution and our current moment are easy to draw. Anthony Fauci, the infectious-diseases expert whom President Donald Trump often sidelines or ignores, is Jacques Necker, the popular finance minister to Louis XVI. Necker’s firing in early July 1789 was viewed widely as a calamity: “It was like losing your father,” the mathematician and astronomer Jean Sylvain Bailly wrote in his memoirs. The recent spike in American gun and ammunition sales recalls the Parisians who stormed the Bastille Fortress in the hope of finding weapons and gunpowder. (They incidentally released a handful of individuals imprisoned there, but that was not the crowd’s original intent.) The conflict among city, state, and federal officials over coronavirus-related closures directly parallels 1789’s municipal revolutions, in which some cities had leaders who quickly proclaimed devotion to the new National Assembly, while the leaders of other cities remained loyal to the old structures of absolutist royal power and the mayors and aldermen of yet others were violently deposed.That comparisons can so easily be made between the beginning of the French Revolution and the United States today does not mean that Americans are fated to see a Reign of Terror or that a military dictatorship like Napoleon’s looms large in our future. What it does mean is that everything is up for grabs. The United States of America can implode under external pressure and its own grave contradictions, or it can be reimagined and repurposed. Life will not go back to normal for us, either, because the norms of the past decades are simply no longer tenable for huge numbers of Americans. In a single week in March, 3.3 million American workers filed new unemployment claims. The following week, 6.6 million more did the same. Middle-class Americans who placed their retirement savings in the stock market have recently experienced huge losses. Even before the pandemic, black Americans on average had only 7 percent of the wealth of white ones (Native Americans, even less). Among non-Hispanic white Americans, deaths from drug abuse, suicide, and alcohol continue to rise. Nearly 2.5 million people are incarcerated. Trust in existing institutions (including the Electoral College and Congress) was already vanishingly small. Is it safe to go grocery shopping in a pandemic? Should we wear masks? Nobody knows who to believe.[Read: Red and blue America aren’t experiencing the same pandemic]Much like the past 40 years in the United States and Western Europe, the 1700s were a period of remarkable economic, social, and technological transformation. Comparatively cheap mass-manufactured goods from Britain and China sparked what historians call the 18th-century “consumer revolution.” In the 1780s, four-fifths of working-class Parisian households had more than 10 dishes in their cupboards, and more than half had a gold watch (in the 1720s, the figures were 20 percent and 5 percent). Whole new media forms emerged—the modern novel, easily reproduced prints, mass-market newspapers heavy on advertisements—as did new physical places (coffee shops, lending libraries, Freemason lodges) and virtual spaces (“the Republic of Letters” and “public opinion”) where those works were discussed and debated.As sources of information proliferated, long-standing sources of authority (monarchy, aristocracy, and the established Church) feared losing power and turned reactionary. At the same time, the longer-term transformations on which these social and cultural innovations were built—the growth of European overseas empires and the emergence of settler colonialism, massive silver exports from South and Central America, the trans-Atlantic slave trade—continued, and in ever more brutal forms. More than 6 million Africans were sold into slavery in the 18th century—a time that some still call the “Age of Enlightenment.”In the summer of 1789, as peasants attacked chateaus and revolutionaries vowed to “abolish privilege,” many members of the elite felt that their world had suddenly fallen apart. In truth, it had been disintegrating for decades. Today, as in the 1790s, an old order is ending in convulsions. Even before the coronavirus prompted flight cancellations and entry bans, climate activists were rightly telling us to change our modes and patterns of travel. Even before nonessential businesses were shut by government orders, online shopping and same-day deliveries were rapidly remaking retail commerce, while environmental concerns and anti-consumerism were revolutionizing the fashion industry. The pandemic and resulting public-health crisis have caused an abrupt and salutary revaluation in which cleaners, care workers, grocery-store stockers, and delivery drivers are gaining recognition for the essential work they have been doing all along. Taken together, these changes may not look like a revolution—but real revolutions are the ones that nobody sees coming.[Shadi Hamid: The coronavirus killed the revolution]The men and women who made the French Revolution—a revolution which, in a few short and hectic years, decriminalized heresy, blasphemy, and witchcraft; replaced one of the oldest European monarchies with a republic based on universal male suffrage; introduced no-fault divorce and easy adoption; embraced the ideal of formal equality before the law; and, for a short time at least, defined employment, education, and subsistence as basic human rights—had no model to follow, no plans, no platform agreed upon in advance. As the UCLA historian Lynn A. Hunt has argued, they made it up as they went along. Yet for more than two centuries, elements of their improvised politics have been revolution’s signature features: a declared sovereignty, devised symbols, an anthem, war. At the junction Americans face today, however, we need to imitate not the outcome of the French revolution but the energy, creativity, and optimism of the French revolutionaries.Human beings are responsible both for much of what is wrong and for much of what could be right about the world today. But we have to take responsibility. In hindsight a revolution may look like a single event, but they are never experienced that way. Instead they are extended periods in which the routines of normal life are dislocated and existing rituals lose their meaning. They are deeply unsettling, but they are also periods of great creativity. As some Americans take shelter in their homes from a newly arrived threat and others put their health at risk to combat it, we can all mourn lost certainties, but we can also set about intentionally creating new possibilities. To claim this moment as a revolution is to claim it for human action.
Swiss coronavirus death toll rises by 19 to 559, cases top 21,000
Switzerland's death toll from the coronavirus outbreak has risen by 19 to 559, the health ministry said on Sunday.