NYT reporter, in now-deleted tweets, claims there's 'a difference between being politically black and racially black'

New York Times correspondent Nikole Hannah-Jones caught a flurry of attention Friday after attempting to distinguish between being "politically black and racially black."
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Britons Asked to Kneel on Doorsteps in Protest Against George Floyd death
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De Blasio calls on Cuomo to apologize to NYPD as petty feud continues despite riots
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Joe Biden inches ever-so-close to clinching Democratic nomination
Biden picked up wins Tuesday in Indiana, Maryland, Montana, New Mexico, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island and South Dakota, CBS New projects.
Milwaukee Police Fire Tear Gas at Protesters Chanting 'We Are Peaceful' in Viral Video
A suspect with a gun who was in the crowd was taken into police custody, the Milwaukee Police Department said.
Stephen Jackson on what is justice: 'We never had it, so I can't answer it'
Former NBA player Stephen Jackson, close friend of George Floyd, was asked by Chris Cuomo what is justice: "Good question. We never had it so I can't answer it."
U.S. protesters, angry at Floyd's death, defy curfew but violence subsides
U.S. protesters ignored curfews overnight as they vented their anger over the death of an unarmed black man at the hands of police, but there was a marked drop in the violence that prompted President Donald Trump to threaten to deploy the military.
A Different Kind of Courage Is Required
Military leaders are bred for two kinds of courage—the courage to expose themselves to hostile fire and the courage to assume responsibility for the gravest decisions anyone can make. Most of them, particularly in the upper ranks, demonstrate those qualities. But what they need now, in the face of an unprincipled and brutal commander in chief, is a different kind of bravery.The president raves of “vicious dogs” and “ominous weapons” while ensconced in a blast-proof basement. Angered by cable-newscasts noting that fact, he had armored and helmeted police sweep a park of peaceful protestors before a curfew, using smoke grenades, flash bangs, and the threat of batons. All this so that he could stand before a church that he could not enter and where he was not welcome, holding the book that he has probably never read and cannot understand, and whose precepts are a reproach to the life he has led. He is a malignant, empty human being.[David Frum: Trump is the looter]But he is the commander in chief, and he does exult in violence wielded by uniformed men at a safe distance from himself. It is why he Twitter-screeches “Domination” and yells at governors to throw away restraint in suppressing demonstrations or riots. It is why he urged police officers to slam suspects’ heads into cars. It is why he threatens to take over the job of law enforcement with the one organization that could do so: the United States armed forces.The Founders of the United States feared the use of military power to suppress democratic freedoms, which is why, in the Declaration of Independence, they accused George III of “affecting to render the military superior to the civil power.” But they also created a system with wide emergency powers, to include the Insurrection Act of 1807. While the use of the militia—today’s National Guard, when under state rather than federal control—for the maintenance of order was one thing, the use of the regular armed forces was something very different.The truth, however, is that if Trump wished to declare that a state government had lost control of public order and was in a state of insurrection or rebellion, he could call National Guard units into federal service, taking them out of the control of a governor. He could send in infantry units of the Army and the Marine Corps. He could probably suspend habeas corpus. And he could, by declaring a national emergency, invoke over 130 different statutory powers. He might be condemned retroactively by the courts, but he could get away with it in the short term. And maybe not even just in the moment. In 1944, the Supreme Court upheld the validity of the Roosevelt administration’s internment of American citizens of Japanese ancestry two years before.[Adam Serwer: The coronavirus was an emergency until Trump found out who was dying ]What this means is that de facto, some of the restraint on Trump’s abuse of the vast reserves of physical force at his disposal rests with the leaders of the American military. They have, to a person, taken oaths to uphold the Constitution, and they mean it. But this is where a very different kind of courage is going to be needed.These leaders know, and if they do not their lawyers will tell them, that when he invokes emergency powers, the president can do a lot. They have been conditioned to view the president not the way their fellow citizens do, as a politician who holds the highest office in the land, but as the commander in chief, their superior in the strict military sense of the word. They have been accustomed to working for all kinds of people, and to swallowing personal objections, reservations, and doubts with professional compliance.If they were ordered to do something flatly illegal, there is little question that they would disobey. But suppose, as is always the case with Trump, that the assault on their integrity and decency was ambiguous or unclear. What then?In the classrooms of the nation’s war colleges the next generation of general and flag officers will sometimes discuss whether officers should resign their commissions, usually in the context of what they consider the overriding of sound military judgment. It is usually nothing more than huffing and puffing about a difficult historical case. Military resignations occur periodically, but very rarely, and in almost no cases do they leave much of a mark. When they do, they usually involve a clash between a general and a secretary of defense, who does not have the same aura of authority as the president.The real demonstration of military courage by a general in such a situation is not resignation. It is, rather, the willingness to be fired. A modest but instructive example occurred in Australia in March of 2019. The Australian chiefs of staff were on a podium with their then-defence minister, Christopher Pyne, who began taking partisan political questions. The lanky chief of defence staff, Angus Campbell, stepped forward, and gently said, “Minister? I might just ask that the military officers step aside while you're answering these kind of questions.” Pyne looked startled, replied “Yeah, sure.” And that was the end of it.It was a minor moment, but one in which the senior soldier in the Australian establishment reinforced a norm, at the possible risk of his own job, or at least his relationship with his boss—and it is upon norms no less than laws that these relationships depend.[Mike Mullen: I cannot remain silent]What our senior military leaders need now is the considerable courage it would take for them to be dismissed from the service. It is the guts to say, “Mr. President, that is an utterly inappropriate use of the armed forces.” “Mr. President, I will not use the jargon of war in talking about American streets.” “Mr. President, if you order these things you will cause mayhem in ways that will deprive the American military of moral legitimacy in the eyes of the American people for years to come.”This is a much tougher test. Arguably, the current secretary of defense has already failed it, by talking about “dominating the battle space” in reference to the law-enforcement challenge of the moment. As we have already seen in this presidency, there are generals who, when confronted with the physical reality of a president and the environs of the Oval Office, succumb to the same impulse to defer, appease, and agree that has left the senatorial GOP a moral shambles.Every appearance in uniform, every word out of the mouth of a senior military leader at this point has consequences. While these men and women are not the only or even the prime safeguards of American freedoms, they constitute an important line of protection. And if they are willing to take a bullet for the country, they need to be entirely prepared to take obscenity-laced tirades and a pink slip for it. If they do not, far worse things may follow than what we have already seen.
Hong Kong leader says Beijing will not back down on new security law
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Live updates: George Floyd protests continue, but stay mostly peaceful
Most of the demonstrations Tuesday stood in stark contrast to the violence-marred protests of previous nights.
There's a Future Where Trump Ends Up as a Great First Amendment President—and Facebook Gets a Pulitzer | Opinion
Sometimes, the unintended consequences are the best ones.
5 things to know for June 3: Protests, coronavirus, elections, Israel, RNC
Here's what else you need to know to Get Up to Speed and On with Your Day.
Incumbents usually are penalized in times of unrest
The protests and riots of the last week have led many to try and find the correct historical analogy during this election year. Is this 1968, a year in which Republicans, with Richard Nixon as their standard-bearer, won back the White House? Is this 1970, a year in which Republicans suffered a double-digit loss of governorships?
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An Interview with the Mayor of Minneapolis
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Hamilton 'completely overcome with rage' following George Floyd's death
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Ex-Marine says rioters should be treated like 'spoiled child'
 Former U.S. Marine and Benghazi Annex Security team member Mark Geist said Tuesday that governors who have failed to call on the National Guard to protect their residents are "emboldening" the violent protesters.
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Trump Tries to Scare People Far From Any Violence
Like most Americans, I am nowhere near any violence right now. Nevertheless, I am hearing and seeing violence on a series of screens: television screens, smartphone screens, computer screens. Even in a room as quiet as mine—outside the window I can see grass and trees—the cacophony is almost unbearable. It’s as if different choruses are all singing at the same time, and not in harmony.In Salt Lake City, police knocked down an elderly man who was walking with a cane. In New York City, two police SUVs drove into a crowd. In Houston, on the other hand, the police chief told a multiracial crowd, “If you’ve got hate in your heart for people of color, get over it.” In Camden, New Jersey, police officers marched together with protesters. On Sunday, rioters in Washington, D.C., burned shops and lit a fire in the refectory of St. John’s Episcopal Church, just across Lafayette Square from the White House. On Monday, completely peaceful demonstrators in the square were teargassed so President Donald Trump could have himself photographed in front of that same church with a copy of the Bible in hand.[Read: Trump does not speak for these Christians]Many would like to simplify these events—to give them a single, clear interpretation. Some tell a harrowing story about police violence. Some tell a heartwarming story about police and communities pulling together. Some tell an insidious story about black looters. Some tell a murky story about white infiltration of peaceful black protest movements. A few weeks ago, The Atlantic’s Ed Yong described a “patchwork pandemic,” a coronavirus outbreak that is unfolding in different ways in different parts of the country. Now we have patchwork protests, mixed with patchwork riots. In each one of them, the police and the protesters have different motives, create different impacts, affect people in different ways.Nevertheless, the internet is positively thrumming with people who want to fit these disparate stories into a single narrative. Yesterday, I reposted on Twitter a short video clip of what appears to be two white women, both dressed in black outfits with black face masks. Invoking the Black Lives Matter movement, they were spray-painting BLM and other graffiti on the outside wall of a Starbucks in an unidentified city. A black protester shouted at them to stop. “They are going to blame black people for this,” she said, “and black people didn’t do it.” The clip was less than two minutes long. I wrote one sentence on top: “This is an unbelievably complicated story.”Many respondents did not agree. What was I talking about? This was not a complicated story! Because, obviously, the women were far-left “antifa” members seeking anarchy. Or because, obviously, the women were far-right white supremacists seeking a race war. Or because, obviously, the women were part of a larger plot to discredit the black protesters. One person wrote that “every single thing that has happened has been planned by Trump’s people to get Covid and unemployment and masks off the front pages.” Another person told me that antifa had been preparing this chaos for a long time. A third tweeted another video clip, this one—apparently—of a white store owner in South Carolina being beaten up by black rioters. I think it was meant to be a kind of counterargument: Here’s what black people are really like. [Read: Don’t fall for the ‘chaos’ theory of the protests]The point, for many, is to find justifications for what they already believe and reinforcement of the identity that they already have. From this vantage point, the unrest is the fault of black people (or white people), police (or protesters), the right (or the left). Emotions are so high that the ongoing effort to manipulate images coming out of the protests is already an industry in and of itself, involving uncounted fake accounts, bots, and provocateurs. #DCblackout, a wildly popular hashtag started by a new Twitter account with only three followers, falsely claimed that D.C. police had imposed a communications blackout. Thousands of people believed it. A white-nationalist group called Identity Evropa turned out to be the true owner of an influential viral account called @ANTIFA_US. On Twitter and in private message groups it called for violence—and thousands of people believed that too.The proliferation of false stories and fake narratives doesn’t mean that truth doesn’t exist, or that Americans will never find out what really happened. But it does mean that the full story has to be told in quite a complicated way, from different angles, by many people. That requires time and patience, as well as the sort of journalism that millions of Americans no longer trust. If nothing else, the dozens of physical attacks by police on journalists in recent days offer final proof that the president’s constant verbal attacks on journalists have been absorbed and believed by many, including a number of officers. False stories can be promulgated more easily when the people trying to tell true stories have been discredited—or when they are battered by rubber bullets.In any case, quite a lot of people will not want to hear the truth. Quite a lot of people will want, instead, for everyone to shut up. They will want force, violence, whatever it takes to make the cacophony stop. The behavioral scientist Karen Stenner has written very eloquently about people who have what she calls an authoritarian predisposition, a personality type that is bothered by complexity and is especially enraged by disagreement. Trump has made himself into the spokesperson for precisely these American authoritarians. They were the audience for his decision to use tear gas to clear peaceful protesters from Lafayette Square. It’s for them that he uses the language of “domination,” for them that he calls for the army, for helicopters, for the cities to be treated as a “battle space,” in the astonishing words of America’s secretary of defense.[Anne Applebaum: History will judge the complicit]The church and the Bible were part of the message too. Trump did not even pretend that he was going to St. John’s to pray. He did not ask permission of the church or the diocese or even pay lip service to God; on the contrary, Episcopal clergy were cleared out of the area by the same tear gas that dispersed the protesters. Instead, he held up a Bible for the cameras, not as a religious gesture, but as a signal. Trump was sending a message to his Americans with an authoritarian predisposition: I share your identity. I am part of your tribe.But force is not the only possible response to cacophony. Instead of imposing silence, you can produce harmony. You can create a different narrative—a larger narrative that pulls people together. You can seek consensus, you can appeal to something that everyone can agree on. You can invoke patriotism, America, the founding documents, or just the belief that things can change for the better.Historically, this is the tactic that America’s greatest and most beloved leaders have always used. Abraham Lincoln appealed to the “better angels” of our nature. Martin Luther King Jr. spoke of “all God’s children” and their right to enjoy the freedoms guaranteed in our Constitution. The mayor of Atlanta, Keisha Lance Bottoms, tried a similar kind of appeal on Sunday. She appealed to the history of Atlanta, and to King’s legacy of nonviolence. “A protest has purpose,” she said, but violence has no purpose. “When you burn down this city,” Bottoms declared, “you’re burning down our community.” In this time-honored way, she encouraged Atlantans to make use of democratic institutions in order to make society better: “If you want change in America, go and register to vote! Show up at the polls on June 9! Do it in November!”The question now is whether the old American mantras, the appeals to traditions of democracy and the rule of law, still work—or whether they have now become just another competing narrative in the information war. Certainly the president is assuming the latter. All of the calls for community, dialogue, good-faith discussions—these are just another set of arguments that he has to defeat. If Trump is to win in November, he has to undermine not just the press, and not just public trust, but faith in democracy itself.He has to convince Americans that nothing will function, that all of the institutions have failed, that only violence remains. He has to convince all of the people who are sitting at home as I am, surrounded by trees and grass, that they are in such grave danger from the noise on their screens that they need brute force to shut it off. He has five months left to make that argument.* Photo collage images courtesy of Yuki Iwamura / John Minchillo / Matt Rourke / Alex Brandon / Evan Vucci / John Locher / Ringo H.W. Chiu / AP; Agustin Paullier / Anadolu Agency / Roberto Schmidt / Elijah Nouvelage / Getty
More than 70 luxury cars stolen from dealership amid looting in Northern California
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Donald Trump Says New York City Is 'Out of Control' As Protesters Defy Curfew
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Pandemic, George Floyd death has once-confident Senate Republicans on defense in November election
Last fall, the GOP was favored to keep the Senate. Now, the coronavirus pandemic and George Floyd's death could boost Democrats' chance of seizing it.        
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Saks Fifth Avenue flagship store wrapped in razor wire to prevent looting
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Oklahoma State player has COVID after attending George Floyd rally
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Defiant NYC protesters march through curfew
An 8 p.m. curfew didn't stop thousands of defiant demonstrators from marching through the streets of New York City throughout the night Tuesday in the latest protests over the police-involved death of George Floyd in Minneapolis. (June 3)       
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