Petro Gazz keeps Lady Red Spikers winless

Led by the steady offense of Jovy Prado and Cai Baloaloa, the Angels register their sixth win of the conference.
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Nadya ‘Octomom’ Suleman shares photo of ‘miracle’ kids on their 11th birthday
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Trump’s defense in the impeachment trial just concluded. Here are 6 key moments. 
President Donald Trump’s personal lawyer Jay Sekulow heads to the Senate chamber for the impeachment trial on January 28, 2020. | Mark Wilson/Getty Images The big question now: Will senators vote for more witnesses? In arguments that intermittently advanced conspiracy theories, attacked the whistleblower and questioned House Democrats’ fact pattern, President Donald Trump’s defense counsel made a haphazard case against impeachment this week. Over the course of three days, a panel of attorneys including, notably, Ken Starr and Alan Dershowitz, argued that Democrats were attempting to invalidate the results of the 2016 election. “They’ve basically said, ‘Let’s cancel an election over a meeting with Ukraine,’” White House counsel Pat Cipollone said. Counsel also tried to thread the needle, suggesting that Trump didn’t commit the offenses he is charged with, and that even if he had, they do not meet the threshold for removal from office. The House has charged the president with abuse of power over his attempt to coerce a foreign country to investigate one of his political opponents, and obstruction of Congress over his attempt to stonewall lawmakers’ inquiry into that matter. House Democrats had anticipated several of these points, and offered their own counterarguments ahead of time: They noted that the purpose of impeachment was for Congress to check presidents when they’ve abused their power and pointed to constitutional scholars who’ve argued that a crime is not needed to warrant impeachment. Ultimately, Trump’s counsel was focused on keeping the trial short, in order to move toward a speedy acquittal: They needed to provide Senate Republicans just enough cover to say that they’d heard enough, and to conclude that more witness testimony isn’t necessary. Revelations leaked from former National Security Adviser John Bolton’s forthcoming book might have complicated that plan, but Trump’s team worked to downplay them. And given GOP lawmakers’ existing focus on acquitting the president quickly, it’s likely that this case resonated. Trump’s counsel called out lack of firsthand testimony — inadvertently making the case for more witnesses Trump’s defense attempted to cast doubt on the facts that have been presented during the impeachment trial, and in doing so, inadvertently helped make the case for calling more witnesses. Trump’s counsel on Saturday argued that many of the individuals Democrats cited did not have firsthand knowledge about the quid pro quo the president engaged in with Ukraine. “Most of the Democrats’ witnesses have never spoken to the president at all, let along about Ukraine,” Trump attorney Mike Purpura said. “All Democrats have to support the alleged link between security assistance and investigations are Ambassador Sondland’s assumptions and presumptions.” Sondland and other officials including State Department official David Holmes testified to their understanding of this quid pro quo and said that there was no other explanation for the set of facts that were presented to them. But, as Trump’s counsel were able to point out — neither of them were explicitly told this was a quid pro quo in stark terms. And Sondland’s credibility, in particular, was questioned. In perhaps one of the most effective moments of the Republicans’ arguments, counsel displayed a supercut of Sondland’s testimony in the House during which he repeatedly said that his conclusions were based on his own “assumptions.” “In his public testimony, Ambassador Sondland used variations of the words, presume, assume, guess, speculate and belief over 30 times,” Purpura said. But since Purpura made that argument, a New York Times report has come out, revealing a bombshell from Bolton, who’s said that he was directly told by Trump about the quid pro quo between military aid and political investigations. Democrats emphasized that Republicans’ arguments have only bolstered the case for including more witnesses who have direct knowledge about the quid pro quo. “They made a really compelling case for why the Senate should call witnesses and documents,” Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer told reporters. “They kept saying there are no eyewitness accounts, but there are people who have eyewitness accounts.” Ken Starr railed on the “age of impeachment” Starr, the independent counsel who conducted the investigation that led to former President Bill Clinton’s impeachment, is now over impeachment, it appears. In remarks heavily laced with irony, Starr argued that impeachment — as a means for Congress to check the president — was now being used far too often. “The Senate is being called to sit as the high court of impeachment all too frequently,” Starr said. “Indeed, we are living in what I think can aptly be described as the ‘Age of Impeachment.’” As Vox’s Sean Collins notes, these arguments were were presented against the backdrop of Starr’s own involvement in past impeachment proceedings: He led Republican efforts in the House to investigate Clinton, and published his findings in what became known as the Starr Report, a document that was far more showy than Mueller’s work, and one that made an express recommendation, finding Clinton’s conduct “may constitute grounds for impeachment.” Trump’s counsel redirected attention to Joe Biden, Hunter Biden, and Burisma Former Florida Attorney General Pam Bondi highlighted media reports that had previously raised concerns about Hunter Biden’s seat on the board of Burisma, a Ukrainian natural gas company. It’s a subject Trump’s defense has been keen to focus on to demonstrate that the president was attempting to root out corruption in his requests to President Volodymyr Zelensky. Democrats, however, have provided detailed evidence to demonstrate that Trump’s request to Zelensky was singularly focused on this political investigation, and not broader corruption. A debunked conspiracy theory had also suggested that part of the reason Joe Biden pushed to fire Ukrainian prosecutor Viktor Shokin was to protect his son Hunter Biden, from further scrutiny. There is no evidence to indicate this was the case, a point that House impeachment manager Rep. Sylvia Garcia emphasized. “Every witness with knowledge of this issue testified that Vice President Biden was carrying out official US policy,” she said. Bondi suggested that Trump’s defense team focused on the Bidens because House impeachment managers had done so first, even though it was likely they would have done so either way. “We would prefer not to be discussing this, but the House managers have placed this squarely at issue, so we must address it,” Bondi said. Alan Dershowitz tried to diffuse the Bolton bombshell Trump counsel Alan Dershowitz attempted to neutralize the New York Times’s Bolton bombshell by arguing that it simply doesn’t matter. Dershowitz, in his remarks on Monday, said that the explicit outlining of a quid pro quo in Bolton’s manuscript does not rise to the level of an impeachable offense. “Nothing in the Bolton revelations, even if true, would rise to the level of an abuse of power or an impeachable offense,” Dershowitz said. “That is clear from the history, that is clear from the language of the Constitution. You cannot turn conduct that is not impeachable into impeachable conduct, simply by using words like quid pro quo and personal benefit.” The central point of Dershowitz’s remarks was that the impeachment of a president required a crime, a perspective that many constitutional scholars disagree with. Jay Sekulow asks lawmakers to ignore Bolton allegation Sekulow rounded out the defense arguments by calling on lawmakers to disregard the revelations from the Bolton manuscript, arguing that the recent report doesn’t qualify as evidence given its reliance on unnamed sources who had seen the book. “You cannot impeach a president on an unsourced allegation,” Sekulow said. The Bolton revelations have played a major role in renewing pressure on Republican senators to consider hearing witnesses who have direct knowledge about Trump’s handling of Ukraine aid. Trump’s counsel, however, has argued that the allegations aren’t substantive enough to be considered — and even, if true, that they do not constitute an impeachable act. Bolton’s manuscript, of course, only further strengthens Democrats’ comprehensive slate of evidence noting how Trump conditioned military aid on political favors. Whether enough senators want to hear from him, however, is an open question. Trump’s counsel used Democrats’ own words against them Much like the House impeachment managers, Trump’s counsel dug up some old video clips, in order to use Democrats’ past words against them. As part of their closing, Trump’s lawyers played clips of a number of prominent Democrats including Reps. Jerry Nadler and Zoe Lofgren, as well as Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, to show how their perspectives on impeachment had changed since the 1990s. “If you look to the words from the past that I think are instructive, they’re instructive because they were right then and they’re right now,” Cipollone said. These clips featured Democrats making several of the same arguments that Republicans used this time around, including arguing, for example, that impeachment should not be leveraged on a partisan basis. “There must never be a narrowly voted impeachment,” Nadler said. “By these actions you would undo the free election that expressed the will of the American people in 1996,” Lofgren said. “My fear is that when a Republican wins, the White House Democrats will demand payback,” Schumer said. The House impeachment managers employed a similar tactic when they played clips of Sen. Lindsey Graham’s remarks as a House manager. In both cases, this method was quite effective, drawing a visceral reaction from senators in the audience, and demonstrating how much positions have shifted for lawmakers in both parties.
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Lonely Island’s Palm Springs is a funny existential comedy about 2 dirtbags who find each other
Cristin Milioti and Andy Samberg in Palm Springs. | Chris Willard/Sundance Institute Starring Andy Samberg and Cristin Miloti, the movie broke records when it was acquired at Sundance for $17.5 million … and 69 cents. Nyles (Andy Samberg) is a nihilistic dirtbag stuck in Palm Springs for a wedding he really, really doesn’t want to go to, with a girlfriend he really, really doesn’t like. Sarah (Cristin Milioti) isthe bride’s sister andmaid of honor — and she wants to be there even less. They’re both frustrated screw-ups, unhappy with life and love, and thus naturally drawn to one another. But when they break away from the wedding for a tryst out in the desert, something goes very wrong, and they find themselves stuck with one another in a way neither expected. Nyles’s lackadaisical, nothing-matters attitude seems like the only way to survive. But maybe there are life lessons to be learned here. To compare Palm Springs to other movies would be to give away the delightful concept, and I don’t want to do that. But I can say it’s a twist on an old comedic formula meant to explore where life’s meaning truly resides, and whether it’s better to take risks in life or just coast along trying to survive. And it’s a distinctly, cheekily 21st-century version of that tale. Palm Springs set a record at Sundance when Hulu and Neon jointly announced that they’d acquired the film for a very specific sum: $17.5 million ... and 69 cents. (The previous record was $17.5 million.) The irreverent sense of humor inherent in that announcement matches that of the film and the Lonely Island gang, the trio consisting of comics Samberg, Akiva Schaffer, and Jorma Taccone, who rose to prominence through their work writing and performing on Saturday Night Live, including classic digital shorts like “D*ck in a Box,” “I’m on a Boat,” and “Lazy Sunday.” They’re also the team behind movies like the 2016 feature film Popstar: Never Stop Never Stopping. The trio produced Palm Springs, along with Becky Sloviter, and it boasts some of the same sweet, existential, occasionally rude vibe of their comedic ventures, in a nimble directorial outing for Max Barbakow from a screenplay by Andy Siara (Lodge 49). But the most prominent drivers are Samberg and Milioti, playing a pair of lost souls who are thrown together in a way that could destroy them both, or help them find a way out. (There’s also a great role for J.K. Simmons, as a man with strange and very specific wisdom to impart.) Palm Springs is not groundbreaking or quite as compulsively quotable as some of Lonely Island’s previous outings. But it is an oddly perceptive effort, a movie that feels primed in particular for millennial audiences just starting to creep toward middle age who are trying to sort out what life really means, and how best to live it. Zinging between humor and poignance with a lot of charm, it achieves in its most insightful moments what comedy does best: Let us laugh at the world a little, by way of learning something about ourselves. Palm Springs premiered at the Sundance Film Festival on January 26, 2020. It will be released theatrically by Neon and available to streamon Hulu at a later date.
Jared Kushner, architect of Trump’s Middle East peace plan, still doesn’t get it
White House senior adviser Jared Kushner at a press conference with President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on January 28, 2020, in Washington, DC. | Alex Wong/Getty Images Kushner’s main talking point on the peace deal highlights the whole problem with it. Senior White House adviser and presidential son-in-law Jared Kushner spent three years working on the Trump administration’s newly released Israel-Palestine peace plan. Yet the main talking point he’s using to sell the proposal reveals the fundamental problem at the heart of the plan itself: the administration’s tacit endorsement of Israel’s continued illegal settlements in Palestinian territory. In multiple interviews right after the administration released its proposal on Tuesday, Kushner said Israel’s rapid growth — in other words, the settlements — are precisely why Palestinian leaders should make a deal now. “If we don’t do this today, at the rate at which Israel is growing, I think that it will never be able to be done,” Kushner told Al Jazeera. “So we see this as the last chance for the Palestinians to have a state.” He didn’t misspeak, which we know because he repeated this same talking point over an hour later. “This is something that we inherited, the situation where Israel continues to grow and grow,” he told CNN’s Christiane Amanpour. Jared Kushner on the new Middle East peace plan: "It was very, very difficult to draw these lines... This is something we inherited."— Christiane Amanpour (@camanpour) January 28, 2020 Let’s be clear about what this means: The White House’s lead staffer for finding a peaceful solution to the Israel-Palestine stalemate says Israel’s growth is basically unstoppable. For that reason, he claims, Palestine has no choice but to strike a deal. It’s an astounding thing for Kushner to say. Israel restrains itself from extending its settlements into the West Bank unless it feels it has tacit American approval. Kushner’s plan and his statements will likely serve as a green light to Israeli leadership to expand those settlements. They may explain why Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu wants a vote on Sunday to annex 30 percent of the West Bank. That could make a fraught issue so much worse. Why settlements make a peace deal harder to reach About 500,000 Israelis live in the settlements, of which there are about 130 scattered around the West Bank. Roughly 75 percent of settlers live on or near the West Bank border with Israel. Some of the settlements are vast communities that house tens of thousands of people and look like suburban developments. Some look like hand-built shanty outposts. Settlements create what Israelis and Palestinians call “new facts on the ground.” Palestinian communities are split apart and their connection to the land weakened, while Jewish communities put down roots in territory meant for Palestinians. In effect, it shrinks the area of land left available for any future Palestinian state to exist on and chops it up into pieces, destroying its potential viability as a real, contiguous state. For some settlers, this is the point: They want the West Bank fully incorporated as Israeli territory and are trying to make that happen. A “conceptual map” of Palestine released as part of Kushner’s proposal shows he wants some of those settlements to remain where they are (they’re the flecks of beige interspersed among the blueish green parts). Instead of coming up with a plan that would see those settlers relocated or finding some other solution, Kushner’s plan just takes the huge chunk of land where most of the settlements are located and gives it to Israel. In return, Palestinians get some pockets of land far away in the desert on the border with Egypt and not much else. White House Which means one of two things: either Kushner doesn’t know how sensitive this issue is, or he doesn’t care and is using it as a cudgel against Palestinians. It’s hard to know which one is worse.
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Ed Jones/AFP via Getty Images The “Off-Facebook Activity” tool lets you see — and somewhat control — what other sites and apps tell Facebook about you Facebook users just got a new glimpse into — and a little control over — the myriad ways the social network tracks what they do when they’re not using Facebook. If you didn’t already realize it, by the way, Facebook is tracking an astounding amount of what you do when you’re not using the platform, an activity also known as living life in the real world. The new Off-Facebook Activity tool, which the company announced last August, finally launched on Tuesday. It can tell you which companies are supplying Facebook with information about your real-world activity — for example, that you visited their website or purchased a product from it. Why does Facebook want this? Because it can then match that information with your Facebook profile and target ads to you (or, in Facebook’s words, “personalize your experience”). A lot of times when you think Facebook is listening to your phone conversations based on how specific its ads are, it’s actually because of how extensive (and hidden) its offsite data collection is. This in-depth tracking is why you might see, oh, I don’t know, an ad for a play starring the venerable Kate Mulgrew immediately after a Star Trek: Voyager Netflix binge, even if you weren’t on Facebook at the time. This is also what allows many websites, including Facebook, to give you free services. So you are getting something out of this deal — you just might not have realized you were making the deal in the first place, or how much data you were handing over. (The play was great, by the way.) Accessing the Off-Facebook Activity tool to see how much Facebook knows about your life outside of Facebook is not exactly straightforward. You can go directly to the tool by clicking here. If you’re trying to find it from your News Feed, you’ll need to go to Settings and then click Your Facebook Information. You should see a line for Off-Facebook Activity, and then just go to view. Then prepare to be flabbergasted. One of our reporters, for example, found that 518 apps and websites had shared her data with Facebook in some way: Many of the sites on her list were ones she had just visited. That’s because a lot of sites use Facebook’s trackers, which automatically collect and send visitor data back to Facebook. Even users with tracker-blocking extensions on their browsers will likely find dozens of instances where companies are sending personal data to Facebook. The feature also allows you to opt out of some of this collection — to a point. Clicking on a particular company’s listing will bring up a dialogue that will give you a slightly more specific look at what data was collected. There’s also the option to “Turn off future activity” from that company. If you’re looking for a nuclear option, you can click “Manage Future Activity” and then flip the blue switch on the right side of the page. This seems like it would turn off all real-world data collection, but that’s not exactly true. Right after you flip the switch, you’ll see a dialogue that says, “We’ll still receive activity from the businesses and organizations your visit.” This information just won’t be associated with your account. You can also delete your off-Facebook activity history by clicking “Clear History” on the activity list. A window will then pop up asking you to click “Clear History” again: As the prompt says, you’ll still see ads — but they won’t be those creepy ads of a product you were just looking at on a different site. If you don’t like the idea of your Facebook behavior being tracked and used for ads, you might also (if you haven’t already) want to change your ad settings on Facebook (available in the “Ads” section of your Facebook settings). Turn off “Ads based on data from partners,” “Ads based on your activity on Facebook Company Products that you see elsewhere,” and “Ads that include your social actions.” Again, this won’t completely shut off the tracking, but it will minimize it. If you don't like the idea of being tracked by Facebook at all, tough luck. Even if you delete all of your accounts for Facebook-owned service, including Instagram and WhatsApp, it feels like there’s nowhere online or on earth that the social network can’t access. At least Facebook is giving you some control over it. Open Sourced is made possible by Omidyar Network. All Open Sourced content is editorially independent and produced by our journalists.
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Crecimos en la misma zona, pero nuestros caminos jamás se cruzaron. ¿Era el destino encontrarse ahora?
Me preguntaba por qué finalmente se estaba sincerando conmigo. De repente, intentaba conquistarme. Y estaba funcionando; me di vuelta y lo besé
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