"TOTAL LOSS": Sailor awaits rescue after storm wrecks round-the-world attempt

Sailor Susie Goodall's ship was dismasted and she was knocked unconscious in a vicious storm off the coast of Chile
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Gold surges to seven-year peak as pandemic fears spark safe-haven rush
Gold soared as much as 2.8% on Monday to its highest level in seven years, as investors worried about global economic growth in the face of sharply rising coronavirus cases outside China.
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Russia denies reports about its strikes in Syria's Idlib: TASS
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Jimmy Kimmel gets emotional remembering Kobe and Gianna Bryant at memorial service
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Basketball: City Championship week schedule
Basketball: City Championship week schedule
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Ronan Farrow praises Harvey Weinstein's accusers for fighting 'at great personal cost and risk'
Award-winning journalist Ronan Farrow, who helped launch the #MeToo movement with reporting on Harvey Weinstein, responded to the now-disgraced mogul being found guilty by Monday on two sexual-assault related charges by praising the women who came forward.
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Trump administration expected to ask Congress for $1B to combat coronavirus
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The charges in the Harvey Weinstein verdict, explained
Harvey Weinstein enters court as a jury deliberated in his trial on February 24, 2020, in New York City. | Spencer Platt/Getty Images He was convicted of rape in the third degree and a criminal sexual act in the first degree. Here’s what that means. At his trial in New York, producer Harvey Weinstein faced five charges in connection with allegations that he raped or sexually assaulted women. On Monday, he was convicted of two of those charges: rape in the third degree and a criminal sexual act. Because laws around sex crimes vary from jurisdiction to jurisdiction, charges like these can be confusing. To understand them, it’s helpful to look at all the charges filed against Weinstein in the case, and the testimony behind each of them. Weinstein was charged on these five counts in his New York trial Rape in the first degree: Under New York law, this is the most serious rape charge. According to the state’s penal code, a person is guilty of rape in the first degree if they engage “in sexual intercourse with another person” by “forcible compulsion” or if the victim is “incapable of consent by reason of being physically helpless” (a person may also be guilty of this crime if they sexually assault a child, which was not alleged in the Weinstein trial). Under New York law, forcible compulsion means compelling someone “by the use of physical force” or “by a threat, express or implied, which places a person in fear of immediate death or physical injury to himself or herself [or another person] or in fear that he or she [or another person] will immediately be kidnapped.” Weinstein was charged with rape in the first degree in connection with Jessica Mann’s testimony that he raped her in 2013. Mann said that Weinstein trapped her in a hotel room, holding the door shut, then ordered her to undress and raped her. “I gave up at that point,” she said, according to the New York Times. Weinstein was acquitted of this charge. Rape in the third degree: In New York, a person is guilty of this crime if they engage “in sexual intercourse with another person without such person’s consent.” This charge does not require prosecutors to prove “forcible compulsion” on the part of the defendant or that the victim was “physically helpless” at the time. In addition to the first-degree rape charge, Weinstein was charged with third-degree rape in connection with testimony by Jessica Mann. He was convicted of this charge. That means that according to the jury, the prosecution proved beyond a reasonable doubt that Mann had not consented to what happened in 2013, but not that there was “forcible compulsion” involved. Criminal sexual act in the first degree: In New York, the crime of a “criminal sexual act” refers to nonconsensual oral or anal sex. A person is guilty of a criminal sexual act in the first degree if they engage “in oral sexual conduct or anal sexual conduct” by “forcible compulsion.” Weinstein was charged with this count in connection with testimony by Miriam Haley. Haley testified that on a visit to his apartment in 2006, Weinstein pushed her with his body into a bedroom until she fell on the bed. “I tried to get up, and he pushed me down repeatedly, by that time I started realizing what was happening … that this was rape,” she testified, according to BuzzFeed. Haley said that Weinstein ultimately performed oral sex on her without her consent. The producer was convicted on this count, meaning the jury felt that the prosecution had proved forcible compulsion in his assault on Haley. Predatory sexual assault: In New York, a person is guilty of this crime if they commit first-degree rape or criminal sexual act, and have engaged in other conduct that would constitute such crimes in the past, even if they were not charged or convicted. Essentially, to prove this charge, prosecutors have to show that the defendant had a history of committing a sex crime against at least one other person, in addition to the primary victim. (There are also other reasons someone can be charged with predatory sexual assault, such as if they seriously injured a victim physically, but these were not at issue in Weinstein’s trial.) To prove this in Weinstein’s case, prosecutors called to the stand Annabella Sciorra, who said that Weinstein raped her in the 1990s. According to the Times, she testified that Weinstein showed up at her apartment and pushed his way inside. Then he unbuttoned his shirt, pushed her onto her bed, pinned her arms above her head, and raped her. “My body shut down,” she said, and she lost consciousness. But jurors apparently did not feel that prosecutors proved beyond a reasonable doubt that Weinstein raped Sciorra. They voted to acquit Weinstein on two predatory sexual assault charges (one in connection with Sciorra and Haley’s allegations, and one in connection with Sciorra and Mann’s). The language of the law around sex crimes can be confusing, and as law professor Cheryl Bader told Vox last week, terms like “consent” and “forcible compulsion” aren’t necessarily clearly defined. Moreover, Americans’ understanding of consent is still evolving, especially with the rise of the Me Too movement — a movement itself propelled to prominence in part by the allegations against Weinstein. Still, what we can glean from the verdict against Weinstein is that the jury was convinced that the producer was guilty of nonconsensual conduct with Mann, but not necessarily that he used force as part of that conduct. Now that he has been convicted, Weinstein faces a minimum of five years in prison on the criminal sexual assault charge and a minimum of probation in the third-degree rape charge. He will be sentenced on March 11.
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Severino: Trump's reshaping of ‘Ninth Circus’ appeals court has stopped a lot of 'liberal judicial activism'
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Maduro’s government hires a new Washington lawyer
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Harvey Weinstein verdict dispels the myth of the perfect rape victim
Harvey Weinstein’s victims, and those who believe them, finally got their Hollywood ending. On Monday, after nearly a week of deliberations, the jury returned their verdict: Guilty on two counts, rape and a criminal sex act. Weinstein, who spent his evenings and weekends throughout the trial partying, his days bantering with press and ignoring admonitions...
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The White House’s sleight of hand on Russia’s 2020 efforts
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How swing voters feel about Medicare-for-all
Sen. Bernie Sanders at an event to introduce the “Medicare for All Act of 2019.” | Tom Williams/CQ Roll Call via Getty Images The case for not worrying about Medicare-for-all’s electability. Insert all caveats about the unpredictability of politics here, but it sure looks as though Bernie Sanders and Medicare-for-all could be on the ballot against Donald Trump in November. It’s an experiment our democracy has never run before: an avowed democratic socialist on top of a major-party ticket, running on a single-payer program that would fundamentally transform American health care. Nobody knows what the results would be. The politics of Medicare-for-all will be debated endlessly for the rest of the year, should Sanders secure the nomination. But there are a bunch of open questions we don’t yet know the answers to. How much will Trump’s campaign focus on health care, given his own record? It has millions to spend on a negative ad campaign, but it will need to pick its message. Will Sanders moderate himself at all? I took note of his campaign promising that a Medicare-for-all bill would be introduced during the first week of his presidency, which is not the same thing as pledging such a bill would actually be passed and become law. I did my best to sort through all the evidence in this story. In short, Medicare-for-all is working for Sanders in the primary because, well, Democratic voters generally support replacing private insurance with a single government plan. It is that simple. “It is a winner for Bernie because it is part of his brand and it feels authentic coming from him,” Ashley Kirzinger, who helps run the polling by the Kaiser Family Foundation, told me. “I mean, he is the reason why we are discussing it and it has been front and center during the Democratic campaign.” As for the general election, we just don’t know how the issue would play; there is evidence to make the case Medicare-for-all would be a winner, a loser or a net neutral. We do know opinions can be moved on the issue: higher approval if you tell people there will be no cost-sharing, much lower approval if you tell them that their taxes will go up. But all of that analysis kind of misses the forest for the frees. Are voters actually going to be using Medicare-for-all to decide which candidate they should vote for in the general election? And even if they do, is it a definitive advantage for either side? That’s why I wanted to draw your attention to something you might have missed if you didn’t read to the very end of the story above. It suggests to me that maybe, just maybe, all this consternation about Medicare-for-all sinking Sanders against Trump is a little bit overblown. It’s a rather unique set of survey data, asking swing voters what would actually sway their vote. Over a couple of months last summer, the Kaiser Family Foundation gathered responses from 605 swing voters, a nationally representative sample. (Margin of error is 5 percentage points for the whole group.) They asked them whether Trump’s position or the Democratic candidate’s position on health care would make them more likely to vote for that person. Here are the findings most relevant to our discussion: Overall, 32 percent said health care made them more likely to support Trump; 50 percent said health care is what would make them more likely to vote for the Democratic candidate. 12 percent of those who went with the president because of health care said Trump’s opposition to “national health care/single-payer/Medicare-for-all/socialism” is why they were more likely to vote for him. 9 percent who sided with Democrats on health care said support for Medicare-for-all explained their decision. If you broaden the issue to “increasing health insurance coverage,” 44 percent of those respondents said that is the reason they would back the Democrats. This is not dispositive. It’s one poll; the samples get pretty small once you are looking at, for example, voters who support Trump because of health care. And these results are from last summer; things could look different after the general election ad blitz. But taken together, the results give good reason to think Medicare-for-all is more of a wash electorally than the discourse might lead you to believe. Narrowly, on Medicare-for-all itself, about as many people back Democrats over it as oppose them. But really, the most telling thing to me is people don’t prioritize Medicare-for-all when they think about health care. The top reason given for supporting Trump because of the issue was “lowering the amount people pay for health care.” For Democrats, it was broadly “increasing health insurance coverage.” Americans have a lot of frustrations with health care, and they want fixes. They don’t think about this ideologically. They want to know how you will make sure people are covered and how you will lower their costs. My bet would be the candidate who speaks to those concerns will win the health care debate in the upcoming campaign. This story appears in VoxCare, a newsletter from Vox on the latest twists and turns in America’s health care debate. Sign up to get VoxCare in your inboxalong with more health care stats and news. Join the conversation Are you interested in more discussions around health care policy? Join our Facebook community for conversation and updates.
Seventh Italian dies from coronavirus in Europe's worst flare-up
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Would you pay $1,495 for a ticket to Tyra Banks’ ModelLand theme park?
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I Want to Marry the Woman I Pay to Have Sex With Me
I know better, but ...
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